 |
| Bench Fragment Male Figure,19th–20th century- Met Museum New York |
By Prof. Carol
Ann Lorenz
Collections of Esan
Art
By far the greatest numbers of Esan sculptures are preserved
in the palaces of kings, the homes of traditional chiefs, and the shrines of
priests, diviners, and family heads. The artworks remaining in Esan communities
constitute the largest and most important visual resource for this study.
Because surviving sculptures are revered as family or community relics, Esan
people have not readily parted with them. Nevertheless, some Esan sculptures
have been collected by the Nigerian Antiquities Department and are stored in
two branches of the Nigerian National Museum, in Lagos and in Benin. The
smaller collection in Benin includes carved doors, boxes and bowls, figurated
kola containers, and a ram head. The largest collection at Lagos contains
similar objects in addition to numerous large house posts and human figures.
Although museums in Britain hold enormous numbers of Benin sculptures, most of them acquired through the Benin Punitive Expedition of 1897, there are few Esan objects in public collections. The largest British collection of Esan sculpture is housed at the University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in Cambridge, and includes small objects such as dolls, combs, a kola nut box, and a stool panel, in addition to numerous early textile samples. These objects were collected by Northcote W. Thomas, a government anthropologist who visited a number of Esan kingdoms during the early colonial era. The Museum of Mankind in London has a small but significant collection of Esan carved stools, figurated bowls, altarpieces for the worship of the hands, and a mirror case. The Horniman Museum owns two figures which may be Esan.
Although museums in Britain hold enormous numbers of Benin sculptures, most of them acquired through the Benin Punitive Expedition of 1897, there are few Esan objects in public collections. The largest British collection of Esan sculpture is housed at the University Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in Cambridge, and includes small objects such as dolls, combs, a kola nut box, and a stool panel, in addition to numerous early textile samples. These objects were collected by Northcote W. Thomas, a government anthropologist who visited a number of Esan kingdoms during the early colonial era. The Museum of Mankind in London has a small but significant collection of Esan carved stools, figurated bowls, altarpieces for the worship of the hands, and a mirror case. The Horniman Museum owns two figures which may be Esan.
In the United States, the Metropolitan Museum of Art holds
an architectural panel, door, ram head, figurated kola container, and stool
element. The National Museum of African Art has also has a ram head, and the
Fowler Museum owns an architectural panel. The largest private holdings are
part of the controversial Nigerian collection of the late Roger de la pared.
Although de la Burde claimed that his father collected the bulk of the
collection during two expeditions to Nigeria in the early 1900s, no evidence
can be found to support this contention, nor can his father's ownership of
these works be documented. Most of the Esan objects in his collection --
including figure house posts, doors, and smaller objects -- are authentic, but
their provenance and collected data are unproven. Esan objects may also be
found in small numbers in other American collections and in the collection of
Celia Barclay in London, as well as in the hands of a number of African art
dealers.
Sources about Esan Art
Written sources of Esan culture are very few, and these
rarely contain any information about the arts. The earliest written documents
were prepared by colonial officials shortly after the British conquest of the
Benin Empire. Among them are the works of P.A. Talbot and Northcote W. Thomas,
both government anthropologists. Talbot's Tbe Peoples of Southern Nigeria
(1926), a massive work which attempts to include information from each group
under broad headings such as ancestor worship or occupations and industries, rarely
mention Ishan at all, and references to the arts are still rare. Thomas's Anthropological
Report on the Edo-Speaking Peoples of Nigeria (1910a) were concerned with
linguistics and customs, but not with the arts. He discusses two-dimensional
motifs in a short article (1910b) but Esan art is mentioned only in passing. Of
great value, however, are Thomas's photographs of Ishan and the accompanying
unpublished notes preserved at Cambridge University.
British colonial intelligence reports (Jull, 1932a, b; Butcher
1932, 1935b-f, 1936; Hawkesworth 1932; Scallon 1936a-b, 1937a-b, and others)
document the history and socio-political organization of the various Esan
kingdoms, but they offer no information about Esan artists or their works. R.E.
Bradbury's work on the Scheme for the Study of Benin History and Culture took
him to a small number of Esan communities where he photographed sculptures and interviewed
Ishan leaders. His research in Esan, while valuable, was brief and it was
tangential to his focal project in Benin. His notes from Esan are very few, and
consist primarily of those he made in reference to his photographs. The Esan
Series (IS) documents in the Bradbury Archives at the University of Birmingham
are not based on fieldwork; rather, they are notes culled from the British
intelligence reports. Bradbury's published and unpublished materials on Benin
are, nevertheless, useful to this work for comments on Esan made by Bradbury's
Benin informants, and for the opportunity to compare Benin and Esan cultural
data.
A number of Esan "sons of the soil" have taken up
the pen to record !shan history and culture. These include Christopher Okojie,
M.O. Ikekhua, and Emmanuel 0. Ughulu, western-educated men with the means to
publish their books privately. The most useful of these books is Christopher Okojie's
Esan Natiye Laws and eustgms (1960). Okojie devotes the first half of his book
to an outline of Esan social organization and customary law, while the second half
records oral histories from each of the Esan kingdoms. Although Okojie's book is
useful, it does not speak of Esan visual arts except in passing references to
masquerades, decorated earthen walls or the like, and his section on crafts
consists of just ten lines ([1960]: 26, 30). Ikekhua ([1960]) and Ughulu (1950)
attempt to reconstruct Esan history, but their works are neither well
researched nor well organized. Although there are valuable bits of cultural
information in these works, they do not discuss Esan arts.
There is a small number of publications (e.g., Celenko 1983,
de la Burde 1972, Donne 1972, Fagg 1968, Ross 1994, Thompson 1974, Wittmer and
Arnett 1978) which illustrate Esan pieces in private and public African art collections;
the illustrations are valuable but they are rarely accompanied by substantive
information. Similarly, a few sources (e.g., Fagg and Plass 1964, Akinrinsola
1965) illustrate Esan art in situ, but again there is little if any concomitant
discussion. Some scholars have looked at Esan art from a comparative point of
view. William Fagg (1962), for example, has suggested a relationship between Esan and Yoruba house post carving, while Robin Poynor (1976,
1978, and 1987a) is interested in the formal similarities between certain masks
found both in Esan and Owo. Jean Borgatti's unpublished M. A. Thesis (1971)
offers an overview of the art of the Northern Edo peoples, among whom she
includes Esan. Her work was based primarily on published and archival
photographs and museum research rather than fieldwork; nevertheless, it
constitutes a valuable preliminary survey of the art of Esan. Prior to the
current work, however, no art historical fieldwork had been done in Esan, and
the sources available (with the notable exception of Borgatti, 1971) contained
only scattered comments or illustrations without attempting to analyse Esan art
in any way.
Fieldwork in Esan
The current work is based primarily on a year of fieldwork
(1980) among the Esan people, 2 during which I researched all for.ms of art
production and use. Brief periods of subsequent research in 1988 and 1990
focussed on sculpture iconography and masquerade history. The preparation of
this thesis also involved two trips to England (1981, 1985) to consult the
Bradbury Archives at the University of Birmingham Library and museum
collections in London and
Cambridge.
My fieldwork was designed to survey Esan art production and
use, focussing on wood sculpture and masquerades; to gauge (if possible) the
historical depth of various art forms; to examine Esan art in the context of its
culture; to evaluate the scope of the artistic patrimony from Benin; and to
investigate the shared characteristics of Esan art and that of its neighbours.
In examining these issues, I focussed on the morphology and iconographic content
of Esan sculpture, in an attempt to determine the 2. Research in 1980 was
carried out with the assistance Of a Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Fellowship,
and at Columbia University, Department of Art History and Archaeology Summer Travel
Grant. Research in England in 1981 was assisted by a Mrs. Giles Whiting Fellowship supplement.
INTRODUCTION TO ESAN ARTS
TRADITIONAL ESAN ARTS
The traditional artistic endeavours of the Esan people are
many and varied, and include body arts, weaving, mat making, pottery, painting,
mud sculpture, and the sculpture in wood which will be the focus of this work.
This chapter will provide a brief overview of the visual arts of Esan, which
have never before been surveyed, while the next chapter will introduce the art
of the woodcarver specifically. This chapter will provide further evidence of culture
contact between the Esan people and their neighbours, and it will also serve to
illustrate forms of art, such as costume and regalia, which are depicted in
wood sculpture.
Scarification and Tattooing.
Perhaps the most basic of Esan arts concerns the decoration
of the body. Permanent body and facial marks are ancient in the Edo era. In
Benin, the earliest brass heads, dated to the early fifteenth century, depict
three or four ikharo scars above each eye. These marks, called ikbaro, are said
to be the original tribal marks of the Edos, probably predating the current
dynasty of kings in Benin (Aisien 1986: 22, 29), but they went out of
use in the distant past. Other Edo facial marks belong to a tattooing tradition
called iwu,
which also includes several long vertical marks on the torso.
Although these marks have also fallen into disuse, they can still be seen on
some very elderly Binis and Esans. Their origin, however, is the subject of
conflicting oral traditions. One tradition which is widely accepted in Benin
and Esan claims that Oba Ewuare introduced iwu to Benin in an attempt to identify his
subjects and prevent them from fleeing Benin and taking refuge in neighboring
kingdoms during the political upheavals of the mid-fifteenth century (Okojie [1960]:
32, 35; Egharevba 1968: 15). Other stories place the origin of in the reigns of
Oba Orobiru (early fifteenth century) or Oba Ehengbuda (late sixteenth century)
(Aisien 1986: 11-13, 63-64). Benin brass plaques and figures illustrate marks,
but the earliest of these artifacts date to the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. Likewise, written documents by European visitors to Benin can only
confirm that the marks were in use by the early seventeenth century (Nevadomsky 1992: 6).
Whenever the practice of iwu tattooing originated, these
marks clearly became a sign of citizenship in Benin. 1 Aisien (1986: 18) states
that the osiwu or Edo surgeons accept the story which places the origin of in Ehengbuda's
reign.
They distinguished the freeborn citizen of Benin from slaves
and foreigners, and became a prerequisite for admission to the palace societies
(Aisien 1986: 20, 53). Okojie ([1960]: 32, 35) believes that Esan people began
imitating marks for the sake of identification with the dominant Benin culture.
The adoption of tattoos thus became part of the building of a new Esan ethnic
identity based on incorporation within the Benin Empire. Benin-style marks also
diffused to other peoples within the Benin Empire, including the Ika Igbos and
eastern Yorubas (Aisien 1986:
As tattoos became widespread, variations in the number of
marks evolved to distinguish members of the royal family from commoners (Aisien
1986: 22, 33; Okojie [1960]:
47) The royal male – marks consisted of a wide vertical band
from each shoulder to the waist on both the chest and the back, and a fifth
band which originated at the sternum, broke at the navel, and continued to the
waist. Bini commoners had one additional mark, but Esan commoners had just
three marks confined to the chest (Okojie [1960]: 47; Aisien 1986: 22-24, 33).
Moreover, in Benin, royal women did not wear facial while commoner women did. Facial
as well as differences in the number of torso marks also distinguished men and
women; 3 female body scarification in Benin and Esan consisted of a doubling of
the male incisions plus additional lines (aberhe in Benin, abihiaqha in Ishan)
fanning out below the navel (Okojie [1960]: 47, 117; Aisien 1986: 24).
Moreover, these marks became associated with the coming of age of both men and women,
who were expected to undergo tattooing before marriage (Aisien 1986: 21; Okojie
[1960]: 47).
Although Esan men and women wore these tattoos, called ikho
(tattoo) or isekele (belly marks), in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
century, when large figurated house posts and doors were being carved in Esan,
these sculptures rarely depict the tattoos (Figs. 75, 76). Esan sculpture helps
us to understand that by the late nineteenth century at least, Esan identity
was more focussed on autonomy and independence from Benin rather than alignment
with a powerful overlord. By this time, marks might have been too closely
associated with Benin to be appropriate in Esan royal sculpture, which was
commissioned to proclaim the status and power of the local leadership.
Most patterns appearing on the bodies (as well as the clothing
and regalia) of Esan house post and door figures are merely decorative, but
occasionally ethnic marks are clearly indicated. These marks consist of three
short radiating strokes at the outer corner of each eye (abelamben), and a
series of short vertical marks below (and sometimes above) each eye. Such marks
can still be seen among elderly Esans today (Fig 4), and are sometimes elaborated
into pointed oval, leaf-like patterns surrounding the eye (e.g., Okojie [1960]:
34; Ineme Adeh, Uromi, 29 August 1980).
In the early twentieth century, British colonialism changed
the fabric of Edo culture which had sustained the art of tattooing. Official
disapproval of both
scarification and the semi-nudity in which it was displayed may
have taken their toll on the practice. The colonial government also eliminated
slavery, obviating the need to distinguish freeborn citizens from slaves, and
ended Intertribal wars, in which ethnic marks had identified compatriots so as
to avoid fatal mistakes" (Okojie [1960]: 45). More importantly, in
dismantling the Edo Empire, the British freed Esan from tributary status in Benin, and reduced
the prestige associated with Benin citizenship. Akhile, the most elderly man in
Ugbegun (Akhile, Odionwele of Ugbegun, September 1980) stated that his
generation was the last to undergo Benin-style tattooing in order to be
admitted to the Oba's palace.
Akhile is one of a handful of elderly Esans who bear the Edo
marks; however, he also has a number of nontraditional patterns on his arm,
neck and back. As the use of Bini marks faded in Esan around the 1930s, a new
style of fanciful tattoo designs gained ground. The new tattoos acquired the
still vital local significance of scarification in Esan: physical endurance and
the willingness to withstand pain as a sign of adulthood and marriageability. In
addition, the new style of scarification allowed for individual creativity, and
appealed to san aesthetics of personal beauty (ose). Both men
and women underwent tattooing for fancy and to be attractive to the opposite sex
(e.g., Usifo Ufua, Uromi, 2 September 1980).
The innovative decorative designs, called Ona, were executed
on the chest, face, shoulders, arms, back, and calves of the leg (Fig. 5). Some
of these designs draw upon traditional motifs such as lizard (omiomben), or
modern images like a wristwatch (agogo) or stylized writing. Most, however, are
non-representational, although they may have names such as ekpyti (box) or
ukpamen (raindrop). Many of these designs are composed of combinations of
simple geometric elements; often the diamonds, triangles, and squares are
concentrically arranged or filled with dots or subsidiary shapes. Their corners
sprout circles or curling lines which add to the intricacy and delicacy of the designs.
While the old designs were executed with a curved knife, a bundle of
needles could be used to trace the more decorative modern patterns (Abayior
Egbor, Uromi, August 1980), allowing for a variable thick and thin quality to
the line which was a measure of the skill of the surgeon (onwena).
In the terminology, functions, and patterns, these Esan body
designs are similar to kolo tattoos among the Yoruba people (Fig. 6). The Yoruba
word for tattoo designs is onon (Drewal 1988: 84), a cognate with the Esan ona.
Moreover, some Esans referred to the marks as igun (e.g., Ikemun, Ekpon, 1
December 1980), suggesting a relationship with the god of iron, Idigun; in
Yorubaland, his counterpart Ogun is the patron deity of scarification experts
(Drewal 1988: 84). Functionally, both the Esan and Yoruba tattoos serve to beautify
the body, signal marriageability, and proclaim the courage and endurance of
both men and women (Drewal 1988: 83).
Although Yoruba designs cover a greater area of the body and
can be far more elaborate
than the Esan examples, many of the smaller and simpler Yoruba patterns are identical
to those of Esan (Fig. 6). 4 The greater elaboration and extensiveness of the
Yoruba designs suggests that the direction of transmission of this tradition
was from Yoruba to Esan. The Yoruba patterns may also be of greater antiquity, having been noted as early as the mid nineteenth
century (Drewal 1988: 87, citing Burton 1863).
Although it is not clear when the new patterns began in Esan,
there seems to have been a transitional period when both the Benin iwu and the
new ona were both
in use. Living Esan men and women with both types of scarification received
their marks as young adults in the 1930s and 1940s, but the practice may have
begun somewhat earlier. It is unlikely, however, that Yoruba-style marks could
have made much impact in Esan before the turn of the century, when political
and cultural changes caused the markings to lose their significance. That these
designs were never fully integrated into Esan culture is also suggested by the fact
that they have already been defunct for some decades, and can be seen nowadays
only on mature men and women.
There is, however, another type of Esan body scarification
which is still common today. These designs, also technically tattoos, are
decorative but their primary function is medicinal. Children (and sometimes adults) who have
suffered from repeated bouts of malaria or other fevers receive these marks,
called ikho generically
or specifically, which consist of one or more series of diamond patterns
arranged longitudinally on the side of the torso, and sometimes short lines radiating
from the navel.
Medicinal preparations (ikbumun) are rubbed into the incisions
to create the darkened pattern and, it is said, to aid in strengthening the
spleen (e.g., Josiah Itua, Edohen of Opoji, 12 September 1980). Where political
loyalties and the quest for personal beauty have failed to keep alive the tradition
of body tattooing, magico-religious reasons continue to provide the impetus for
continuing this noteworthy art form.
Body Painting
The Esan people also engage in non-permanent body alterations,
including painting with local chalk (ere) or with charcoal (iiomebhi) or soot. At
one time, reddish camwood (ume) was also used as a beautifying body
paint. While body painting is significant, no particular skill is involved. For
example, chalk or kaolin is crushed and mixed with water to form a liquid
paint, or else simply powdered and applied in its dry state. The whiteness (afuamhin) of the
chalk are associated with purity and goodness, and in particular with the
beneficent ancestors. Chalk is kept on ancestral altars and in shrines for the
deities, to be applied to the worshippers as a blessing. Chalk blessings also
occur at title-takings, celebrations of the birth of a child, and other joyful
occasions. There are no particular designs made with the chalk, which is simply
applied in broad strokes to the forehead, chest, back, arms, or feet as the
occasion dictates. The same is true for the blackening charcoal or soot, which
is smeared onto the face and other parts of the body during mourning, or for
the tu-uki ceremonial, in which a person atones for misbehaviour in a former
life in order to improve his present situation (e.g., Patrick Alabi, Egoro, 22 September 1980; cf. Melzian 1937: 200-201).
White chalk is, however, sometimes carefully applied to the
face, particularly around the eyes, by members of various cult groups, priests,
diviners and traditional doctors (Fig. 8). The chalk "spectacles aid them
in seeing clearly that which is not normally seen, that is, the desires of the
ancestors and divinities and the resolution of life's problems. Similar marks
once aided warriors in battle. Body painting also marks life transitions, as in
chalk lines and circles which traditionally decorate the face of a mother
during her outing ceremony fourteen days after the birth of her child (e.g.,
Okojie [1960]: 52), and in the decorative body paint worn by young girls in
Ebelle during a five-day coming of age ceremony (H.H. Imadujemu Igbenijie, Onojie
of Ebelle, 25 November 1980). Chalk is also applied to shrine objects and to wood
sculptures, both as a blessing and a preservative.
Coiffure.
Face and body painting is primarily religious in nature, and
rarely has any aesthetic significance. Hair, on the other hand, is often
carefully sculpted in diverse and elaborate styles. Traditional Esan hairdos
are closely related to those of Benin, and reflect the wearer's age, gender,
rank and life transitions. Today, however, most men of all social classes will
crop their hair closely. Gone are the plaited hair styles of men from royal and chiefly families, and
the elders' single plaited ponytail decorated with a bead (Okojie [1960]: 43). The priest's traditional long curls
(ogbihiagha) are rare, but long locks can still be seen among children
dedicated to various deities.
 |
| Benin Kingdom Bride |
Moreover, only a few Enijie and chiefs still wear their hair
shaped into the lateral crest called akpata or uguakpata (Fig. 3) Which was
exclusive to the elites of the Edo empire (Ben-Amos 1980: cap. Fig. 60; Aisien
1986: 57).
Traditional female hair styles are more elaborate, but nowadays
they are relegated to ceremonial occasions, as women prefer to plait or bind
their hair in pan-Nigerian styles. The young girl's red-dyed plaits
(eto-ikpododo) and bangs which were left long as a sign of modesty are now defunct,
as is the showy hairdo dressed with coins and beads (ojieto) which was the
virginal girl's reward after clitoridectomy (Okojie [1960]: 43, 45). The elaborate style for new mothers, with its five large loops of hair coated
with yellow ekasa soap, is also nearly a thing of the past. A beehive-like
hairdo (eto-okuku), once reserved for unmarried daughters of the nobility, is
nowadays the preferred style for female mourners of any deceased man of status.
The social significance of the many-lobed etuke hair style (Fig. 9), which was
once the prerogative of the wives of the Onojie or chiefs, is also almost
completely lost.
All of the hairstyles of adult women of status are elaborate,
often requiring the addition of hairpieces or the use of a wig, and decorated
with beads and other ornaments. On the other hand, an extremely simple female
hairdo which still retains its original significance is the shaving of the head
of widows! So strongly is the shaved head associated with death and mourning,
that a woman is forbidden to shave her hair at any other time (Okojie [1960]:
45).
Costume and Ornament
The traditional clothing and ornaments worn by Esan people
also comment upon the gender, age, and status of the wearer. In times past,
young boys and girls went naked until puberty. Girls wore strings of akpono, discoid waist beads now made of
plastic, but once produced by painstaking chipping shell into shape. At one time
akpgno beads were a measure of the
wealth of a family and the value placed on their daughters; waist beads were
also given as gifts to young women from their suitors. Today akpono beads are used almost exclusively
for ceremonial occasions, and mostly wear with clothing.
Traditional adult attire, consisting of unstructured wrappers,
is still common in Esan villages. Men wear large wrappers, constructed of three
long panels of handwoven cloth, in two common styles. In the first, called igbulu or igbu (Fig. 10), the cloth
is wrapped around the body under one arm and over the other shoulder like a
toga, and worn with a small loin wrapper below. The second style, called ubunuku, consists of a cloth wrapped
around the lower body and tucked in on the right side or bunched up in front, leaving
the chest bare (Fig. 11). 5 This style, which might be worn relaxing at home,
is also typical male ceremonial and ritual attire. The ubunuku wrapper is the only form of male clothing represented in
Esan sculpture but it is not clear whether this is because it is an older
style, or because of its ritual associations, or for some other reason. A man of status might wear a large wrapper
every day, even to and from his farm where he would strip to his loin cloth for
work. A common man would formerly simply wear the loin cloth and perhaps a
tunic for all but special occasions. A sturdy hand woven tunic is still common
among farmers and hunters, despite the loin cloth has been replaced with
shorts.
 |
| Igbulu or Igbu |
This style of male wrapper is also known in Benin and in Owo. In Benin it is
called ebuluku (Melzian 1937: xvii) while
in Owo the term is ibolukun (Drewal
and Pemberton 1989: 17); both are cognates with the Esan ubunuku.
Traditional women's clothing consisted of a smaller wrapper
constructed of only two handwoven panels, worn around the body from the armpits
to the ankles, and tucked in at the left side (Fig. 9). In the seclusion of her
home, she might wear the wrapper only from the waist down, but quickly rearrange
it should a male stranger arrive. For ceremonial occasions, women may wear a
special wrapper in this way, or an elaborate outfit consisting of blouse, wrapper,
head tie and shawl in the costliest of fabrics.
Ceremonial occasions also demanded the use of ornaments by
both men and women. Precious materials such as coral and ivory were usually
restricted to the Enijie and chiefs, following a pattern of exlusivity
established in Benin. Although these prerogatives have eroded somewhat in
modern times, the Onojie's coral beaded crown (arhu-iyie), collar (idigba),
and shirt (ewu-ivie) remain his
exclusive ornaments (Fig. 12) , just as similar ornaments are reserved for the
Oba in Benin. Indeed, such ornaments were once strictly regulated by Benin, and
were bestowed upon Esan Enijie upon their accession to the throne.
In fact, Benin's desire to regulate coral beadwork once led
to conflict with the leader of Ogwa. The story is told of Ekhimere, an early
eighteenth-century leader of Ogwa who was a contemporary of Oba Akenzua I of
Benin. Ekhimere, though recognized by Benin only as a war leader (Okakulo), dared to keep a coral bead
carver (okanivie) in his household.
When the Oba learned of it, he sent for the bead carver and all the beads he
had made, but Ekhimere ignored him. The Oba finally sent warriors for
Ekhimere's head, but he preferred to commit suicide, taking the bead carver
with him, than to obey the dictates of Benin (Okojie [1960] :316). This story provides another example of a bid
for independent leadership in Esan, in this case by imitation of the Oba's prerogatives.
Even today, the relative freedom to wear coral bead ornaments is most often exercised in one's
home village, where any man or woman of
status might wear simple long strings of coral or other red beads on special
occasions. When visiting the palace, however, only chiefs or priests with the
license to wear coral would dare to do so. Large beads (ekan) of coral or other red substances were particularly valued in
Esan, as in Benin, and were used as a
centerpiece in a string of smaller beads, or by elder men as a hair ornament in
times past. Coral beads also decorated the elaborate hairdos of women.
 |
| Ekan |
Interestingly, no other types of beads seem to have been
important in Esan, despite its access to trade from various directions, and its
proximity to Yoruba land where many types of beads were associated with gods
and royalty (Thompson 1970).
Some, but perhaps not all, Enijie wore decorated ivory and
brass cuffs and armlets, but those which are preserved in the palaces were
acquired from Benin and not locally manufactured.
Women of rank once wore plain ivory armlets (ahamhan), but these have gone
out of fashion and many ivory heirlooms have been sold away. The Enij ie and
certain chiefs wore rings of brass or other metals (egba ) on the upper arm, but for protection more than as ornament.
In general, ornament does not seem to have been of crucial importance in Ishan.
For example, although Esan Enijie may have been pleased to acquire coral crowns
and other regalia, they are never depicted in Ishan sculpture, where human figures
rarely wear ornaments at all. This is in sharp contrast to the royal arts of
Benin, where such ornaments are illustrated in profuse detail. On the Ishan
village level, more homely items of local materials have status significance.
For example, carved walking sticks and pottery pipes were signs of distinction
for elders. Elders and chiefs might wear soft cloth caps and carry decorative
leather flywhisks or fans and the importance of cloth as a status indicator has
already been mentioned.
Textiles
At
one time, virtually every Esan woman wove cloth. Although her body tattoos
signalled her marriageability, no man would woo her unless she were skilled in
weaving (udomhin). Her cloth not
only supplied the household with clothing, coverlets, towels, utility bags and
other necessary items, but provided welcome income. Esan cloth (ukpesan or ukpon-esan) was valued by its neighbors,
including Bini patrons who risked the dangers of travelling in
the forest to buy cloth at Irrua, Uromi, Ekpoma and other Esan markets
(Bradbury BS 320.2).
Since the turn of the century, however, Esan weaving and the
associated arts of spinning and dyeing have been threatened by the introduction
of machine-produced fabrics and threads, and the realities of a cash economy
tied to the world market. During the colonial era, Britain attempted to bolster
her own textile industry by flooding Nigerian markets with cheap commercial
fabrics, while purchasing raw cotton and cotton seed. The first European trader
in Uromi, around 1903, was a Mr. W. Percival, nicknamed oibo ikpon olulu (cotton cloth white
man), an agent of the British Cotton Growing Association which also established
a cotton plantation near Ugboha (Ikekhua c.1960: 54-55).
Trade in the exotic new fabrics reduced the demand for local
handweavings. Weavers who remained active abandoned their cotton farms and
purchased imported cotton thread. A
modest quantity of cotton was first exported from Nigeria to England around 1850. By 1857, 200,000 finished cotton
cloths were being exported to Brazil, and in 1860 alone, 417,000 pounds of
cotton were shipped to England (Talbot 1926, I: 51).
Which was softer than handspun cotton and eliminated the tedious
carding and spinning. The cost of the imported thread increased the price of
the finished cloth, however, which became a luxury item with a still more
limited clientele. Unable to rely on regular commissions for the cash income
needed to pay taxes, school fees and other costs in modern Nigeria, many
weavers have invested their time in trading, hair dressing and other
occupations (e.g., Paul Ojeaga, Uromi, July 1980). The current situation is still
more drastic, because most of the remaining weavers are elderly, and girls
eschew traditional domestic arts in favor of western education. Commenting on this situation, an Esan
elder stated that the world had turned upside down (agbon fie gbe de no), and compared the loss of weaving skills to the disappearance of certain
animals from the forests (Okoedigun Okoebu, Uromi, 29 August 1980).
Hand woven cloth is still preferred for ceremonial wear, but
the dearth of local weavers (and, no doubt, the continuing appeal of the
exotic) has caused some Esans to patronize Yoruba, Northern Edo, Ebira or Igbo
weavers.
(Although Es men
do not actively weave, some learn the craft, as well as techniques of cotton
preparation and spinning, by assisting their mothers (Madam Ibhadeobhor Aikaneze,
Ewohimi, April 1980; Paul Ojeaga, Uromi, July 1980).
Esan weaving is a woman's affair,' practiced on a vertical
single – heddled loom (erido, Fig. 16) typical of women's looms throughout Nigeria (Lamb and
Holmes 1980). The earliest Esan weavings were made of raw palm fibers; plain
white cloths (okbon and utane) from
fibers alone or with a fiber warp and cotton weft (Fig. 17), are still required
for the men's irhuen coming of age
ceremony (H.H . Ogbebor, Onojie of Egoro, 17 September 1980; cf. Scallon 1936a:
15) . At an undetermined date in the distant past, cotton was introduced and
cultivated in Ishan; European visitors from the sixteenth century on report
seeing cotton grown and woven throughout the Edo area (Ben-Amos 1978: 50).
Weaving in local handspun cotton (olulu or olu) is still occasionally
practiced, the resultant coarse but durable cloth being used for shorts, tunics
and shoulder bags wornby farmers and hunters. Traditionally, this type of cloth
is executed in white with a wide variety of named, warpstriped patterns in
shades of brown derived from bark, coconut shell, and other vegetal sources
(Madam Iyore, Uromi, 25 July 1980). Vegetal dyes also produce red, blue, orange,
green, yellow and buff colors (Ibhadeobhor Aikaneze, Ewohimi, 10 April 1980).
The Museum of
Archaeology and Anthropology Cambridge University has a large collection of
samples of Esan cloth from Irrua and Uromi together with the names of the
striped patterns. This collection, assembled early in the century, represents a
larger sample of old striped cloth than could be seen in the field today.
Colorfully striped cloths for special occasions, especially
those with a predominance of red, are called ikpododo, the local meaning of which is cloth of flowers" (Andrew
Ogbeide, Ekpoma, 10 April 1980).
For the striped warps, Esan weavers generally purchase
commercial thread in the same colors they can obtain from local vegetal dyes. Supplementary
weft patterns (ona), however, are
executed in an array of non-traditional colors, often in rayon and other shiny
fibers. The use of wildly colored designs on an otherwise conservative palette
suggests that the designs themselves are non – traditional. Indeed, early
samples of Esan cloth, such as those preserved in the Museum of Archaeology and
Anthropology at Cambridge University, include no supplementary weft patterns,
and plain white and brown striped cloth was still described as typically Esan in
the early 1950s (Bradbury E 126).
It is likely that the technology of weaving with floating
weft threads derives from Igbo sources, particularly from Akwete which is
widely known for both weaving and trading such textiles (Aronson 1980). Some Esan
weavers do indeed call cloth with extensive supplementary designs akwete (e.g.,
Ekeba Aziegbeni, Ewatto.
The word ododo is
widely used in Nigeria to refer to the prized British red flannel cloth
introduced during the colonial era (Lamb and Holmes 1980; cf. Kasfir 1984: 163,
165).
The same word (ona) is used for designs on cloth and for
tattoo patterns. Visually, however, there is no resemblance between the two
sets of designs.
24 November 1980), although it is more commonly called aqbenelen or written upon cloth (Andrew
Ogbeide, Ekpoma, 10 April 1980), as if the designs were scrawled over the surface.
The names of other weft float patterns further suggest that Esan weavers have
been exposed to a great variety of foreign textile traditions. For example, kente derives from Ghanaian cloth of
the same name, and George" refers to a weave based on an Indian madras
prototype popular in the British colonies. A design called adekule refers to Yoruba weaving (Jeannette Okogun, Ewohimi, 19
July 1980); ekule is the Esan word
for Akure, the Yoruba town most familiar to Esans.
None of these cloths, however, look much like their namesakes.
Instead, Esan weavers have reinterpreted the foreign model or reduced it to a
particular characteristic. To weaver
Katrine Isidahome (Ohordua, 30 November 1980), for
example, kente simply means cloth which includes many colors and designs. Most of the supplementary weft
patterns, moreover, have Ishan names and
local significance; these include representations of weapons, tools, household equipment, game boards, animals, plants, foods, celestial bodies,
and articles of clothing. Furthermore, although it is acceptable to copy
designs of another weaver or culture, the ability to invent new designs is
widely appreciated as a sign of great skill (e.g., Ibhadeobhor Aikaneze, Ewohimi, 26
June 1980). This ability to create or reinvent new patterns suggests that there
is still some vitality in Esan weaving, although the number of active weavers
is relatively small.
Mat Weaving and Basketry
Mat weaving (ido-ewa)
is also a threatened art in Ishan as a
whole, although some villages are still noted for this skill. Formerly
handwoven mats (ewa) covered molded earthen beds, and were placed on the floor as
bedding for children.
 |
| Ewa |
Mat weaving, like cloth weaving, is an art practiced by women,
who use the domestic Elo knife to pare, split, and scrape the pulp from long stems of
palm or other plants (Fig. 18). The flattened fibers are used to weave mats of various
sizes, as well as fans (unofo or utowu) and trays (otete). Patterns can be created in contrasting colors of green,
using the light inside and dark outside of the stem (Esther Iyore, Uromi, 21 July 1980). Alternatively, the stems
can be dyed in any natural color. Some occasions call for a highly decorated
mat; for example, a mat woven in an intricate pattern (Fig. 19) is used to
decorate the bed of a new bride in Ebunlen, Uzea (Chief J.O. Ojabhole, 15
October 1980).
Basketry, a related woman's art, is almost completely defunct.
It is clear from oral traditions that basketry was practiced in some kingdoms
of Ishan, but the extent of the craft cannot now be determined. One story
suggests that baskets (okhuale) in
Uromi were once plentiful and cheap: a newcomer blacksmith who amazed Uromi
residents with his skill at forging knives and hoes was in turn so impressed with
their baskets that he offered coral beads to buy them, earning himself a
nickname as a fool (no ohuan. Literally
the sheep) (Okojie [1960]: 218). Nowadays Esan markets offer only dome-shaped
baskets for transporting fowl; such baskets are not really woven, but are
constructed of pliable canes lashed together. A rectangular basket woven from
thing canes is still used by diviners in Esan as well as in Igbo land across
the Niger. Although most domestic baskets have been replaced by modern plastic
and enamelware containers, religious usages tend to be more conservative.
Diviners cherish the baskets they have inherited from their forebears, but can
commission a new one locally when needed.
Leatherworking
Leatherworking is an art which is exclusive to men (Fig.
20). The leatherworker uses the untanned hides of antelope, deer or cow which
he skins himself or buys from hunters and butchers in the market. After the
hair is removed from the hide, the leatherworker cuts out the basic elements of
a round box-stool (ekpokin),
flywhisk (ijiakpa), small ceremonial
fan (azuzu), or the large fan of men
of status, also known as azuzu. Mundane leather goods like sandals are rarely
made by leatherworkers today; rather, their skills are focussed on the creation
of traditional prestige or ceremonial items. Flat surfaces, such as the round
azuzu (Fig. 15), may be decorated with appliqué leather or cloth shapes, while
thin strips of leather bind edges and wrap handles. Sometimes the strips are
plaited (udomhin, the
same word as weaving) before application. Brass studs may be applied for
functional as well as decorative purposes (Inede Akhogba, Uromi, 21 August
1980).
Esan leather goods are similar to their counterparts in
Benin (cf. Dark 1973: 64-6), where the ceremonial ekpokin box and round azuzu
fan are said to date from the time of the Ogisos (Egharevba 1968: 1).
Interestingly, certain leather objects with political significance in Benin, including
waist ornaments, caps and other costume items associated with chieftaincy (cf.
Dark 1973: 65), are not included in the Esan leatherworker's repertoire,
perhaps because of sanctions from Benin or because they do not fit Ishan
conceptions of chieftaincy regalia. Rather, the leather objects which are
associated with status in Ishan are the ijiakpa
flywhisk and the azuzu fan possessed
by both elders and chiefs (Figs. 10, 15). Moreover, the azuzu fan and the e.k pokin
box are illustrated in Esan wood sculpture (e.g., Figs. 51, 67) as symbols of
rank.
The ekpokin is an
offering box which has both political and religious meaning; formerly it
carried tribute from Esan kingdoms to the Oba of Benin, but was also used, and
continues to be used, to contain gifts for the Enijie and sacrificial goods for
the deities. Large and small azuzu
fans are also used in religious observances. Priests sometimes hold the larger and
more ornamental fans as emblems of their status, and to maintain
"coolness" or peace (ofure)
during highly charged rites, festivals or masquerades. The smaller fans are
used as percussion instruments by both men and women members of some religious
cults.
Brass Casting
Many Esan palaces, chiefly homes and royal shrines possess
brass figures, maskettes, armlets, kolanut boxes, bells and other sculptures
cast in Benin. Some of these appear to date from the sixteenth century, having
been presented to Esan Enijie by various Obas as gifts, rewards for assistance,
or payment for slaves (H.H. S.U. Enosegbe II, Onojie of Ewohimi, 14 August
1980). New Benin brasses are also proudly displayed in many Esan palaces (Fig.
12), as they are still appropriate gifts to Enijie upon their installation or
on other state occasions. Symbols of office such as ada and ebenlen
swords (Figs. 12, 21) may be cast in brass (others are iron), and some Enijie
have unusual brass leadership staffs. Finally, Enijie and other dignitaries possess
brass egba or protective circlets, which they wear or carry when
leaving their compounds.
 |
| Ada - ebenlen |
Although large and decorative brass objects, especially those
which are symbols of office, are exclusive to Esan elites, religious
specialists may use small brass works, such as the bells (elo or elolo)
which are kept in many shrines. These bells, as well as those used in ancestral
masquerade costumes, and crotals (awenwen)
for decorating diviners' gowns, are purchased in Benin. Diviners also commission
miniature ewawa figures from Bini
brass casters.
Brass casting has a long history in Benin. According to
Egharevba (1968: 11), it was introduced to Benin during the late thirteenth
century reign of Oba Oguola. Until that time, brass emblems of kingship were
sent from Ife to Benin, but Oguola asked that a brass caster be sent to teach
his people the craft. A similar tradition is held by the lineage of the Ineh,
the senior titleholder in the guild of brass casters and a descendant of the Ife caster who settled
in Benin; however, the second-ranking family, holding the Ihama title, claims
that brass smiths worked in Benin
during the earlier Ogiso period, but produced only small objects at that time
(Ben-Amos 1980: 17).
Although the archaeological record is far from complete, a
thirteenth to fourteenth century site in Benin has yielded copper alloy
bracelets and other small objects which were not cast but smithed (Connah 1975:
63, 143). Brass casting was introduced later, but the date remains speculative;
Dark (1973: 7, 9) dates the first brass heads cast by the lost wax process to
the fourteenth to fifteenth century, while the Ihama locates this event in the
reign of Oba Ewuare (Ben-Amos 1980: 17).
Despite the evidence of early brass casting in nearby Benin,
and the large numbers of brasses produced there over the centuries, brass working
is virtually unknown in Esan. It seems probable that brass casting was
introduced to Benin after it had begun to develop as a major power among the small
Edo states. Benin is likely to have had access to brass through contact with Yoruba land, where
Oyo was a southern entrepot of the trans-Saharan trade.
As a relatively rare and costly commodity, brass was
controlled by the Oba and would have been difficult or impossible for Esan to acquire.
Moreover, because of its red color and shininess, brass was associated with
violent power and the other-worldly sources of royal authority (Ben-Amos n.d.), and
became a guarded prerogative of the Obas of Benin. The organization of the
brass casters into a guild under royal control may represent the forcible
sequestering of skilled.
Although the Esan Plateau mini-states were northern oriented
towards the savannah, they were surely not large or powerful enough to attract
trans-saharan trade to their own area casters in Benin. l2 Brass casters may
also have been coerced into remaining in Benin by grants of titles and
privileges (Ben-Amos 1980: 17). Thus, although the nettlesome Esans of old flouted the Oba's authority at every
opportunity, they had neither the raw materials nor the technical skills to
institute their own brass workshops. Even today, however, when brass is readily
available and the suzerainty of Benin has been undermined by a century of
colonial and federal rule, no local brass casting has developed in Esan. While
the Enijie and other high-ranking Ishans maintain brass objects as a sign of
prestige, those objects must be acquired in Benin.
Ironworking
Ironworking technology was probably an important factor in
the migrations of proto-Edo peoples from the savannah region into the forested
areas now occupied by Esan and Benin. Iron smelting sites are being discovered
closer and closer to the Esan Plateau; the latest, dated to 850-1350 A.D.,
is located just to the north of Edo country (Obayerni, personal communication
to Darling 1984: 65; cf. Connah 1975: 248). Anozie (1990: 41) suggests that
archaeological 12 The organization of the brass casters' guild may date from
the time of Ewuare, although the late Akenzua II suggested that this occurred
during the reign of Esigie in the late fifteenth to early sixteenth century
(Dark 1973: 4 7) explorations
in Esan and the Northern Edo area may yet yield evidence of prehistoric iron
smelting within the Edo area. Although the discovery of stone age tools,
including celts which are called ughavan
in Benin (Darling 1984: 15) and ughamban
in Ishan, indicates that there was human habitation in the forests prior to the
introduction of iron technology, extensive clearing of land and intensive cultivation
could only have been accomplished with iron tools. Indeed, the absence of stone
for tool-making in the forests of Edoland (Darling 1984: 15} would no longer
have been a deterrent to settlement by savannah migrants.
Benin oral traditions recorded by Egharevba (1968: 1) state
that Ere, an Ogiso era king and culture hero, introduced the iron ada and eben swords during his reign. Thus, iron and kingship is closely
associated in Benin. Esan oral histories highlight the importance of the blacksmith.
For example, Okojie ([1960]: 217-218) recounts the story of three fugitive
brothers who stopped in Uromi during their flight from Ewohimi, where they had assassinated
the Onojie. When they found their hosts scraping yams with flat sticks, the eldest
brother, a skilled blacksmith, set up a forge and made knives (oghale), machetes (opia) , women's knives (elo) and hoes (egue) The astonished villagers gave him wives
and begged him to stay, and the Onojie offered him the title of Oniha. The blacksmith
demurred, contenting himself with the riches earned through his craft, while
his two brothers were invested with the Oniha and Isodole titles. Upon his
death he was deified and is worshipped to this day; the current priest of his
shrine relates a similar version of this story (Okhualegbe Okoebor, Uromi,
1980).
This story cannot be taken literally as an account of the origin of ironworking in Uromi. Iron
tools and weapon must have been instrumental in the initial settlement of Ishan,
and could not have been unknown in Uromi, especially after the institution of
the Onojie title in the mid – fifteenth century. Moreover, the full version of
the story is riddled with inconsistencies; the Onojie possesses an iron ebenlen sword at the time of the blacksmith's
arrival, for example, and the villagers raid shrines to the god of iron,
Idigun, for scrap iron to be reworked into useful items (Okojie [1960]:
217-218). The story can possibly be interepreted to mean that ironworking
lapsed in Uromi, which was eager to reestablish the craft when the opportunity arose.
More generally, the story demonstrates that ironworking is so crucial to the survival of a community, that
a blacksmith would be welcomed despite his criminal past, and offered a title
second only to the Onojie to induce
him to settle.
Ironworking is practiced widely in Ishan today (Fig. 22),
and many quarters and villages bear names, such as Idumigun, proclaiming their
hereditary or family-linked craft. Some ironworking communities have become quite
famous; for example, the kingdom of Igueben, whose Onojie has the unique title
of Okaigun ("leader of blacksmiths") in recognition of the kingdom's
ironworking prowess, is believed by some to have supplied the Obas of Benin with ada and eben swords (Bradbury 1957: 63, probably following Scallon (see
Bradbury IS 189)).13 Although Esan now meets local needs for iron implements,
it may once have imported iron objects from the Igbos of Awka through trade
across the Niger (Okojie [1960]: 30).
In the absence of smelting, blacksmiths today work from pieces
of iron (ematon) purchased in the
markets. The typical forge consists of an airy shed which allows the heat of
the open fire fed by hand-operated bellows (ekhie) to dissipate. The blacksmith's tools are similar in name and
function to those of Benin. Anvils (ubuomo-ezele
or idigun) define the various work
stations, where the blacksmith shapes useful objects with his hammers (umomo and ava),
tongs (akhuara),
chisels (agben), and punches and
awls (oha) (Odenore Iyoriobhe,
blacksmith, Uromi, 21 August 1980).
Although nowadays commercial substitutes for many items once
13 Okojie ([1960]: 325-6) disputes this,
asserting that both ada and eben swords were made by craftsmen in Benin, where they were not
only used locally by the Oba and chiefs, but also sent to Esan as a symbol of
recognition of the installation of an Onojie. Okojie further suggests that an Oba
needing the services of any smith living in Esan, would be likely to call the
specialist to the capital rather than placing long distance orders. made by
blacksmiths are available in the markets, and other objects, like oil lamps (orukpa), are no longer needed, blacksmiths
still produce a variety of useful implements. These include agricultural tools,
domestic utensils, weapons, state swords, door locks, and a variety of bells
and gongs. Blacksmiths also make religious equipment, such as protective egba circlets and the osunijojo
staffs of the medicine priests. The blacksmith (Ogun) is a priest in his own right, officiating at the shrine of
Idigun, the god of iron, whose worship forms one of the most important cults in
Esan. Oaths of a serious nature are administed by the Ogun at the shrine of Idigun, who controls the iron implements used
daily by all members of Esan culture.
Pottery
Pottery is associated with the earliest earth work building cultures
on the Esan Plateau, where surface collections of sherds reveal a variety of
shapes and decoration techniques (Darling 1984, pt.ii). Today pottery (akhe-umambin), a woman's art, is
practiced in just a few remote Esan villages, but it may always have been the
case that specialist villages with access to clay supplied non producing communities
with pots. In Benin, too, a small number of villages produce utilitarian
pottery, and even fewer specialize in both utilitarian and decorative ceremonial
pots (Dark 1973: 62; Ben-Amos 1973: 30). Pottery seems to have been a common
trade item among Esan villages and their neighbors. Northern Edo pottery, for
example, is still widely available in Esan markets today.
There is, however, very little demand for domestic pottery
(Fig. 23) nowadays. More durable enamelware and metal pots have largely
replaced clay pottery as water vessels, food storage containers and cooking and
serving implements. Today most new pots are purchased for use in shrines, where
they hold ritual objects or water for blessing, as well as decorate the sacred
space. In Esan, unlike Benin, shrine pottery is not distinguished from ordinary
utilitarian ware. Both are coiled, smoothed, and decorated with simple designs
incised with a fingernail or knife, or impressed with twisted string or carved
roulettes. In addition to domestic and shrine pottery, Esan potters produced
clay pipe bowls, which are also simply adorned with incised geometric patterns
or relief bosses. To my knowledge, there is no figurative pottery or terra cotta
made in Esan.
Earthen Sculpture
Of more sculptural interest are unbaked earthen figures of
humans and animals, molded by both men and women, and produced throughout Esan.
Earthen sculptures are created for three purposes in Esan: to beautify shrines
and serve as a focus of veneration of certain deities; for personal or
familial welfare in the context of the azelu
cult; and to decorate the compounds of wealthy men, adding to their prestige
(Figs. 24-27). Only the first of these practices is traditional in Ishan; the azelu cult with its related figures was
introduced recently from Anegbete in the Northern Edo area, while the secular,
prestige-linked usage is a contemporary innovation which is still limited to a few
locations. Some stylistic and iconographic relationships exist, however, among
these types.
The pliable nature of mud itself is responsible for the naturally
smooth and fluid quality of the bodies and limbs of the earthen sculptures. On
the other hand, mud is not a strong medium, so the shapes of the Ishan figures,
most of which do not incorporate armatures of any kind, tend to be bulky and
self-contained (Fig. 24). The arms of figures hug the body, and legs are often
fused together in standing figures, or attached to their seats in seated images. The nature
of the medium fluid when wet, hard and crumbly when dry -- also accounts for
the absence of elaborate surface decoration in Ishan mud sculpture. Repeated
renewal with fresh applications of mud also tends to efface surface details.
The typical surface treatment of traditional mud sculpture is the same as for
architecture, consisting of a clay wash which produces a shiny appearance. More
recently, sculptors have employed European paints, and one creative artist,
Owobu Okouromi of Ohe village in Irrua, uses carved stamps to produce patterns
and textures. Owobu's innovation may, however, be a reapplication of the older
practice of using carved rollers to decorate pottery.
There is a great deal of variety in the degree of skill exhibited
in the mud figures. The shrine figures are usually modelled by the priests or
priestesses, who are not artists but draw their inspiration from the deity they serve.
ls Most of the figures are naked, unadorned, seated on the ground with the
knees pulled up, with simplified facial features and ears which are often
positioned like two halves of a cup on either side of the face (Fig. 24). Occasionally a
priest-sculptor from an established shrine within Ishan or elsewhere will be
called upon to mold figures for a new shrine. This practice seems more
concerned with the legitimate transfer of power to a new shrine, however, than with
a desire for expert craftsmanship. If the community cannot afford an
experienced priest-artist, the minimum requirement for the installation of new
shrine figures involves the incorporation of a bit of earth from an established
shrine.
14. The famous artist
Idah of Benin City carved stamps for use in decorating cement blocks for the
Holy Aruosa Church (Dark 1973: 62). The church was under construction at the
time of Dark's publication.
15. This is also
typical of earthen shrine figures in Benin (Beier 1968: 46, 53; Dark 1973: 62)
and in the Isoko (Southern Edo) area (Peek 1976: 38-9).
Both the recruitment of priest-sculptors and the imitation
of sculpture in established shrines has fostered the absorption of forms from
elsewhere and their diffusion within Esan. For example, some Esan shrines (Fig.
25) contain figures molded by Binis
or inspired by Benin mud sculpture, complete with hierarchic arrangements of
figures and depictions of beaded crowns and collars which typify Bini
representations of the Oba (and the deity Olokun), but are otherwise lacking in
Esan art. These elements of Benin court art have been grafted onto generally
simpler village art found not only in Esan but in the Bini villages (Dark 1973:
61-62) and among the Isoko where sacred mud sculptures also represent a variety
of supernaturals, are generally simple, and have little "stylistic
consistency" (Peek 1976:38).
In comparing Isoko and Igbo mud sculpture, Philip Peek (1976:
34) postulates a "proto-culture" which gave rise to the Edo and Igbo
peoples. In fact, earthen sculpture is widespread throughout southern Nigeria
and as far afield as Ghana and Cameroon (Beier 1968; Cole 1975: 117) and may be
a significant indicator of an underlying cultural relationship among many
groups, including the Fon, Yoruba, Edo, Igbo, and Igala peoples. Although mud
sculpture throughout this area is characteristically simple work produced by
amateurs, occasionally it has grown into an elaborate art form.
The principal efflorescence’s of mud sculpture are the large
and complex mbari structures of the
Owerri Igbo area (Cole 1982), and the Ake and Olokun shrines of the Bini people
(Beier 1968; Ben-Amos 1973).
16. These grand assemblages of hierarchically arranged
figures of deities and their supporters seem to have provided a model for
earthen art throughout the Edo area and among the western Igbos 150 (Anonymous/Beier
1956: 294-5; Beier 1968: 60). Nevertheless, small shrines containing
rudimentary, unadorned earthen figures still abound on both sides of the Niger
River.
In Esan, both simple and elaborate earthen sculptures appear
in shrines. These shrines may be dedicated to notable deities worshiped throughout
Esan – including Olokun, Ogun and Osun or local divinities such as Odu in Ewohimi,
or Ekhirimon in Ebelle (Fig. 25). Although the diffusion of the cult of Olokun
from Benin 17 was probably responsible for the introduction of hierarchic
imagery in
Esan mud sculpture, other Esan deities, both male and
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
16 Following G.I.
Jones and R.E. Bradbury, Herbert M. Cole (1975: 117-119) believes that
elaborate mud sculptures among the Edo and Western Igbo peoples was influenced
by the mbari tradition of the Owerri
Igbos. It is equally possible, however, that the hierarchic poses found in the principal
groupings of mbari figures are
derived from Edo court art. That is to say, there were probably mutual influences
between the two peoples in the development of their mud sculpture traditions.
17 The cult of Olokun
is believed to have originated in the village of Urhonigbe southeast of Benin
City (Beier 1968: 59), together with its associated mud sculptures and the
practice of portraying the deity as the Oba of Benin with numerous wives and
followers in attendance.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
female, may be found in the elevated central position
(Fig.25). Female images also appear among the supporters of the major deities,
as well as in male/female pairs where fertility and lineage continuity are
implied. In fact, the mud from which these figures are molded is associated
with creativity, reenacting the molding of human beings in the initial
creation. This is also true in Benin, where Paula Ben-Amos (1973: 30) notes
that mud is a sacred substance representing the cycle of life and death and a luminal
material halfway between earth and water which is, therefore, an appropriate
medium for communication between the natural and supernatural worlds. Although
some spheres of artistic production such as carving and metal working are exclusively
masculine, mud is a medium which is appropriate for women as well as men (cf.
Aronson 1984: 119). The role of women in earthen sculpture, however, is primarily associated
with the water deity Olokun, over whose shrines a female priestess-artist may
preside.
Azelu Figures
 |
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
18. Although exact
dates for the introduction of azelu were not available, some shrine owners
suggesed that it began around 1940 (e.g., Okoeguae, Udo, 6 December 1980) but no
one dated its coming earlier than the time of his father.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Irrua, Uromi and Udo. The shrine owners stated that azelu, also called azeny or aizenu, originated in Anegbete in the Northern
Edo area, where prospective worshipers must go to receive religious education
and the paraphernalia necessary to establish a new shrine. The ultimate origins
of the cult, however, may be much farther afield. Cults with similar names but
disparate functions can be found among the Idoma (anjenu), Igala (alijenu or
ajenu), Yoruba (anjanun) and Jukun (alianu)
peoples (Kasfir 1982: 47-48), as well as in Nupe country (aljenu) (Nadel 1954: 26; Forde 1955: 45). All of these have
probably derive, directly or indirectly, from non-Muslim Hausa aljanu
traditions (Nadel 1954: 209) whose origins are the minor spirits of Arabic culture
called diinn (Kasfir 1982 50). Esan has in turn become a conduit in the
transmission of the azelu cult to
Benin (Bradbury BS 641), where it functions as an anti-witchcraft organization.
In Esan azelu is
a cult of personal and familial welfare and protection, particularly, but not
exclusively, against the depredations of witches (Sunday Usuangbon, Ewohimi, 4 July
1980). A typical feature of the shrines is a collection of canes or thorny
sticks, sometimes placed above a doorway, with which the azelu spirit punishes evildoers.
Although all of the Esan azelu shrines began as family shrines, some have attracted
adherents from the community at large, forming small cult groups with the
householder-owner as priest (e.g., Sunday Usuangbon, Ewohimi, 4 July 1980).
Azelu shrines can be found in the homes of both commoners and
nobles, but the most elaborate shrines are not necessarily those of the
nobility. One of the fanciest was in the home of the Irrua carver and mud
sculptor Owobu Okouromi, who modelled the mud figures himself (Fig. 26).
Most, but not all, of the azelu shrines are decorated with earthen sculptures, which range
from simple crouching figures to elaborate figural groups with the centralized azelu
spirit represented as a king.l9 Some of the figures were molded by
priest-artists from Benin, while others were modelled by a priest from Anegbete
(Anthony Ineloa, Uromi, August 1980; Mr. Okoeguale, Udo, December 1980). Still others
have been created locally, either by amateurs or professional artists like
Okouromi of Irrua. In addition to the main azelu
figure, a shrine may contain a variety of figures representing his chiefs,
wives and servants. The ensemble may include specific characters such as the pregnant
wife, the clerk, or the bodyguard. In some examples, particularly those by Okouromi, the figures are lively and
incorporate modern details such as sunglasses, wristwatches, neckties and bras
(Fig. 26). Animal figures are rare, and merely represent sacrifices which have
been performed for the azelu spirit.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
19. Most of the
kingship imagery depicted in azelu igures
is derived from Benin prototypes, but the central figures in several shrines
wear actual or molded feathered headdresses typical of Igbo leaders, suggesting
the development of a composite Bini-Igbo image of kingship.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Secular Mud Sculpture
and Related Cement Sculpture Contemporary
Esan mud sculpture has been used for secular as well as religious
purposes. For example, Owobu Okouromi has molded figural portaits to adorn and
add prestige to his own compound and those of chiefs in his native Irrua and
nearby Uromi (Fig. 27). These figures aim at a realism in the depiction of
their subjects which is generally absent in religious mud sculpture. Naturalism
also characterizes the images in related cement sculpture. Cement is a
completely modern material, the very cost of which confers prestige upon the
owner of sculpture or architecture constructed in this medium. The first cement
figures in Esan were apparently commissioned by well-to-do Christianized
families in the northern kingdoms, and were designed to decorate the paternal
gravesite (Fig. 28).
This usage may derive from Northern Edo prototypes, but the ultimate
source of both Esan and Northern Edo cement
funerary sculpture is not clear. The famous Bini artist Idah worked in
cement as well as more traditional materials (Dark 1973: 62), and may have
provided a model for Esan and Northern Edo cement sculpture. Esan artists may
also have been exposed to the naturalistic cement busts and figures which serve
as funerary markers in Ibibio country across the Niger. Esan cement sculptures
are also used to ornament the architecture of wealthy men. Architecture
and architectural ornament will be
addressed in a separate chapter.
Esan Arts Conclusions
Some Esan arts, such as pottery and ironworking, are of
great antiquity; as we have seen, potsherds were found in the ruins of the
early iyala settlements, and
ironworking was probably instrumental in the migrations from the savannah
grasslands to the forested. Esan Plateau. Although wood carving may have
existed in the iyala building era,
no early objects in this perishable material survive.
Following the conquest of Esan by Benin in the mid fifteenth
century, items of regalia in brass and coral were bestowed upon the Enijie as
symbols of their dual role as leaders in their own communities and tributaries
within the Benin Empire. The distribution of the precious brass and coral was
controlled from the capital, however, and no brass working or bead making
industries developed in Esan.
Evidence for the practice of other arts -- such as weaving, leatherworking
or carving is more recent, dating to the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Today both men and women produce art objects in Esan. Men smith iron, carve wood,
work leather and construct buildings. Women weave cloth and mats, mold pots,
and enliven architecture with painted designs. Both men and women decorate
their bodies, Reproduced and mold
earthen figures. Some of the resulting art forms are similar to those of Benin,
but many show the results of interaction with other neighboring groups.
Precipitous change in Esan culture as well as in the arts has occurred since
the colonial era, and the cost of modernity has sometimes included the
abandonment of certain art forms such as body scarification. The recent
introduction of industrial products like steel goods, enamelware, plastics and machine-woven cloth has also interfered with the production
of Esan ironwork, pottery and textiles. On the other hand, the continued
absorption and Esanization of new materials (e.g., milled cotton threads,
paint, cement) and concepts like azelu attest
to the vitality of the artistic spirit in Esan.
 |
| Figure Seated Female With Kola Nut Vessel, 19th–20th century - Met Museum New York City |
Introduction
Wood sculpture is of particular importance in the study of
Esan art and will be the focus of this work. Extant wood sculptures, dating
from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, are numerous and varied and
provide insights pertaining to Esan culture, its worldview, its relationship with
Benin, and its contacts with other peoples. This chapter will discuss the role
of the carver; the organization and possible origins of one hereditary carving guild;
the diagnostic features of Esan sculpture, and evidence for dating it.
Wood carvers (okanemhin
or onwena)l once had an important role
to fulfill in traditional Esan society. They produced a large assortment of
objects necessary for daily life, many of them ornamental as well as practical.
House-building, for example, demanded the services of carvers, who made the
paddles (obhebhe) for working the earth
used in building a house, and carved its beams and lintels (uwahan and oworo), doors
and shutters (akhu or od), and
verandah posts (ore). They
furnished the house
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1.
Singular forms of Esan words are used throughout this
chapter. A glossary (Appendix B) gives plural forms where appropriate.
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
with stools (ijoko),
chairs (aga), and
storage boxes(ekpeti). They provided
the householders with troughs for making palm oil (oko), as well as the mortars (also called oko) and pestles (ulumoko),
flat mortars (uro) and hand pestles
(ulumobo), serving dishes (uwengbe), and spoons (uwenhen) for the production and serving of food. They carved the
special covered dishes, some of them figurative (uriebhele), for the hospitable presentation of kolanuts.
They also produced washing vessels (Ukpabo), combs (uyayeto),
and mirror cases (uqhegbe) for
personal grooming, and game boards (olise)
for recreation.
 |
| Uro |
Carvers also made a variety of tools for the tilling of the
land, and weapons for hunting and warfare; these included bows (uhen) and arrows (ufenmben), crossbows (akpede), and the shafts and hafts for spears,
swords, hoes, and knives. They also produced tools for the weaver, including
the block (okpekpe) used to de-seed
the cotton, the bow (usagiolu) used
to fluff it, and the board (okpigbo)
used to wash the finished thread, as well as the beaters (eben-ido), shuttles (okpa) and other instruments used at the loom.
Ceremonial life was also enhanced by carvers, who produced
musical instruments such as drums (ukhuemhin), xylophones
(ukhuerhan), harps (Afan), horns (akala), and finger pianos (asonogun). They carved the okpo staff as a symbol of elderhoodl and the
agbala stool for kings and chiefs.
They made objects for the veneration of ancestors: ukhure staffs; ram, antelope and human memorial heads; images of
cocks; human figures, and the masks (okpodu)
used to represence their forebears during community ceremonials.
They produced other religious objects such as the intermediary
figures (iqhole) which helped
diviners communicate with the supernatural world, and their special horns (okolo) and drums (okede). They made sculptures for the veneration of the hand (ikegobo), and carved shrine offerings
including small figurines (omorban)
and oversized skeuomorphs of swords and spears.
Strictly utilitarian items, such as kitchen stools or shovels,
would rarely be decorated, but the deft hand of the carver could transfor.m a
practical object like a door or house post into an impressive illustration of
the owner's wealth, power and prestige. Any object which was frequently in the
public eye, like a ceremonial serving dish or kolanut box, could be decorated
with images that underscored the owner's claims to status and authority.
Naturally, a decorated object took more time, thought and
skill to produce than a plain one and was consequently more costly. Ornamental
carvings were therefore the perquisites of the wealthy and powerful, and are preserved
today in the homes of hereditary kings, chiefs, and important priests.
Although sculptures might become exclusive simply because of their cost, some were limited by type or imagery
to certain classes of Esan society. For example, an untitled man, however
wealthy, would not be permitted to own a
courtly agbala stool, nor could he commission a depiction of himself or his
forebears holding the ada and eben swords of office.
Today Esan carvers specialize in different types of objects
-- such as drums, masks or household utensils – and this might always have been
the case (Fig. 30). Moreover, some carvers probably produced only undecorated
utilitarian objects, while others carved highly ornamented practical items as
well as sculptures whose primary purpose was to decorate the public areas of
elite Ishan homes. Finally, judging from the extant sculptures preserved in Esan
communities, some areas of Esan are more noteworthy than others for decorative
sculptures. For example, Uromi was apparently the center of a carving tradition
which included several other kingdoms in the plateau region of northern Esan.
Large figurated houseposts, doors and other sculptures are preserved in many
Uromi villages as well as in the royal precinct. Because carvers in Uromi were
so highly productive, their history and organization deserve special
consideration.
The Uromi Carving
Guild
Uromi carvers were traditionally organized into a hereditary
guild patronized primarily by the Onojie. The oral history of this guild, which is found
nowhere else in Reproduced Esan,
states that an early Onojie of Uromi sent to Benin for carvers who could make
doors, lintels, beams, wooden paddles and other things necessary in
constructing a house. The Oba of Benin sent three carvers to the Onoj ie, who quartered
them at Ukoni village. One was killed by a leopard in the bush, but the other
two survived and, having been treated very well at Ukoni, settled there and
trained local men to carve (Chief A.G. Idiahi, Uromi, 3 September 1980). The
descendants of the original Bini and Esan carvers are today known as Imiena, “sons of carvers”, who have their own chiefs, including the Iyama
of Ukoni (Fig. 13) and the Esele of Egbele (Fig. 10), and whose religious activities
center upon the worship and propitiation of the spirit of their carving tools,
known collectively as Ediena.
The Imiena expanded
to other Uromi communities over time,· and can be found in eight quarters of
villages today. The original carving quarter at Ukoni village, known as Idumerhan (“community of trees"),
was eventually eclipsed by the carvers who settled in Isua quarter of Arue
village.
The latter became the principal carvers for the Onojie, and had
an important role in the annual Ukorhan
festival, during which the Imiena
carve a variety of objects for the king and his household (Fig. 31). Ukorhan was instituted as a state festival
by Onojie Okoro, who reigned from 1873 to 1900.
The
carvers of Isua had a falling out with Okoro's successor Okojie I, probably
during the stormy early part of his reign from 1901 until 1918,2 and refused to
participate in Ukorhan. Although Isua eventually patched up its differences with
the Onojie, the temporary rift caused the eight Imiena communities to divide
into two branches which now participate separately in the Ukorban festival (Chief A.G.Idiahi, Uromi, 3 September 1980. The
carvers of Idumerhan in Ukoni, Idumesele in Egbele, Okhenlen in Ubierumu and
Idumu-Uwangue in Efandion constitute one division whose carvings for Ukorban are expressly for the Onojie
and his wives. The other branch of the
Imiena live in the quarters of Umonkhomon in Efandion, Idumu-Ihama in
Ubierumu, and Isua and Uzenema in Arue, and their Ukorhan carvings are traditionally distributed among members of
the royal family other than the Onojie and his wives. Within each division, the
four villages carve for Ukorban in
rotation, and representatives of each division go to the palace to present their carved
objects at the end of the festival
(Chief A.G. Idiahi, Uromi, 3 September 1980).
Traditionally,
their gift should include fourteen objects, a significant number in Esan
culture. Imiena members of Isua
quarter claimed (Abayior, Uromi, 21 July
1980)
that these objects included decorated game boards and houseposts in addition to
plain household items, but Chief
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2 Okojie I, also
known as Ogbidi, began his reign in 1901 but was exiled by the British in 1918.
He was permitted to reclaim the throne in 1931 and reigned peacefully until
1944 (Okojie [1960]: 228-229).
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Idiahi of Idumerhan (Uromi, 3 September 1980) stated that although
that may once have been the case, nowadays the items carved include only hand
mortars and pestles, washing vessels and flat dishes. Indeed, at the Ukorhan festival in
1980, only undecorated objects of this sort were carved.
The original name of this festival, which is of obvious benefit
to the Onojie, was oga. meaning “homage” or “service.” According to Chief Idiahi
(Uromi, 3 September 1980), the carvers spent the three days of the festival secreted
in the bush, and if anyone asked what had become of them, he was told they had
gone to Ukorhan, that is, to the top
of the tree, which eventually became the name of the festival. The mystery in
the name Ukorhan is still alive, especially for children (Joseph
Akhimienmhonan, Uromi, 3 September 1980), but nowadays the participating
carvers gather together to carve in the village, where they are supervised by
the elder men (Fig. 31).
The Ukorhan
festival takes place each year prior to the New Yam Festival (Ibuan); in 1980
it was held in early September. During the three days of Ukorhan, the
quarterwhose turn it is to carve hosts the other three quarters in its division for feasting and merry making. Although there is
much lively criticism of each other's work during the group carving sessions,
it is absolutely forbidden for members of the Imiena to argue or fight during the ceremony.
This enforced harmony includes all the Imiena of both divisions. Imiena
members also gather during Ukorhan
to worship at a communal shrine to Sdiena whose chief priest (Ohenlgn-Ediena) is appointed by the Onojie.
Each village also has its own Ediena priest, and each member
of Imiena maintains an Ediena shrine in his own home, whether
or not he is actively carving. The basis of the personal Ediena shrine is a flat mortar (uro) filled with the inherited carving tools of the family, as well as any tools
in active use. Native chalks (ere) and sacrificial matter may also be included. The favored sacrifice for Ediena is the snail (ure), an animal with no bone or blood, whose juice is colorless and
cool. However, when the Ediena tools
are being used to curse unconfessed evildoers, it is appropriate to provide a
blood sacrifice such as a dog (which is also highly regarded by Idigun, the
deity associated with iron) or a cock.
The primary carvers tool is the adze (Fig. 32), the blade (unun, lit. mouth) of which is the ediena proper. The entire adze is
called asojia in Uromi and
elsewhere, but some Esan groups, such as Egoro and Ewohimi, use the term agha, which is identical to the Bini word (Bradbury
BS 272).
 |
| Bench Fragment Male Figure,19th–20th century- Met Museum, new York City |
The carvers haft these tools themselves, but the iron elements
are produced by a blacksmith according to the directions of the carver.
According to Chief Idiahi (Uromi, 3 September 1980), in Uromi the new tools
mean nothing to the blacksmith, but when the carver places them with the ancient
tools in his Ediena shrine and
recites certain prayers, they become imbued with power. Once a carving tool is
activated, it becomes a representation of Edigna and will never be discarded,
no matter how damaged or rusted it may become. It is for this reason that
fighting is forbidden, not only during Ukorhan,
but also by a person engaged in carving at any other time. If the carver should
become angry enough to strike his adversary with the adze, he would be using
what has become a sacred object as a tool of destruction instead of creativity.
To do so would be to invite the retribution of Ediana for this sacrilege, resulting in serious illness and perhaps
the death of the offender. Ediena may
not be the only supernatural (ebo) invoked
by an Uromi carver. An Isua carver, Egenebale Blessed Odia, explained (Uromi,
17 July 1980) that he must appeal to a local deity of his quarter, whose shrine
is in the bush, before felling any tree (gborban to kill a tree).
One of the principal features of any wood which concerns the
carver is its hardness (ukakambin),
which he matches with the use of the object to be carved. For durability and
resistance to white ants, for example, the iroko tree (unoko) is superior, but to make the handle of the axe used to fell
the iroko, the carver will choose the harder wood of the orhan-ohiele (dicanuts tree). Likewise, the orhan-ume (camwood or Pterocarpus
osun (Bradbury BS 205)) is a redwood considered to be harder than iroko,
and is preferred for carving the native shovel (obhebhe) and other wooden
tools. Some woods are considered to be appropriate for carpentry but not for
carving, and soft woods are chosen for game boards and other objects which do not
have to be strong or durable.
Nowadays carvers must appeal to ministries of the federal,
state or local government which, in an attempt to protect the shrinking forests
of Nigeria, have strictly prohibited the cutting of certain large trees, even
on private property, without a license. Laws concerning Ishan's forests are
aimed at protecting them against exploitation by large-scale logging
industries, but these laws also affect the individual carver whose work may require
that he fell only a single tree of any given type in ten or more years. The
situation is such that for the Ukorhan
festival in 1979, the carvers of Ukoni, unable to procure a license to fell a
tree, were forced to buy wood in order to meet their festival obligations
(Chief A.G. Idiahi, Uromi, 3 September).
The Origins of the Uromi Carvers
 |
| Figure Ram's Head and Bird 19th 20th century- Met Museum New York City |
Egbemiena (family of carvers) has essentially the same meaning
as Imiena (sons of carvers), but the
former is not included in the group that celebrates Uko rhan together. Nevertheless,
the commonality of ancestors named Isele, as well as the similarity of the
terms Egbemiena and Imiena, suggest
a relationship between these carving communities. The related name Esele is
also preserved in Egbele village in the name of the carvers' quarter, Idumesele
(Idumu- Esele), and in the title, Esele, of its Imiena chief.
Repeated references to the name Isele or Esele and the theme
of carvers emigrating from Benin indicate coherence in the oral histories of
the Uromi carving groups, and prompt a search for possible Benin sources for
the Imiena carving tradition.
The organization of carvers in Uromi is similar to that of
Benin, where carvers are members of an established guild under the aegis of the
Oba. The Iqbesamwan are the official
royal carvers in Benin, whose traditional quarters are near the Oba's palace,
and whose work has always been strictly regulated by the court. Another group
of woodworkers, known as Onwina, are
carpenters who are subdivided into groups with different specialties, and are
scattered in villages on the outskirts of Benin and beyond (Bradbury BS 204/2).
One group, the Onwina n'Irbue, assists the Iqbesamwan by cutting down and dressing
trees (Bradbury BS 260.2). Other groups include the Onwina n'Ugbo or drum-making specialists and the Onwina n'Uzebu who are responsible for
carving household objects and architectural elements (Bradbury BS 272).
According to a member of the Onwina n'Uzebu group of carpenters interviewed by Bradbury in 1959
(Bradbury BS 272.2), they could be sent to a village at some distance from
Benin and remain there for months to fell trees and transform them into the
objects required by the Oba. While they worked, their needs were provided by
the village. This contrasts sharply with what was required of the Iqbesamwan; according to the Ine n’Iqbesamwan
(Bradbury BS 260.2), not only did the Iqbesamwan
never cut down trees themselves, but after the Onwina felled a tree for them and dressed it to their specifications, it would be transported
to Benin for carving.
It is likely that these distinctive work patterns existed in
the past. First of all, the Oba would be understandably reluctant to allow his
skilled Iqbesamwan carvers to stay
away from the palace for any length of time.
Secondly, the prerogatives of the high-ranking Iqbesamwan seem to have included the
comfort of carving in their home town. For these reasons, and the fact that the
Onojie in the Idumerhan account of Imiena history specifically requested specialists in carving house elements, the likelihood
is that if craftsmen were sent by the Oba to the Onojie of Uromi, they were members of the Onwina and not the Iqbesamwan· Information to support this suggestion was found in
Uzenema quarter, where Imiena
members spoke of a founding father called Oina who had been a carver, and whose
descendants collected his tools upon his death and used them to venerate him
(Andrew Iyore, Uromi, 21 July 1980). The name Oina is unusual in Esan, and is
pronounced about the same as the Bini Onwina,
the probable source of the name.
Elsewhere in Esan, the cognate form of Onwina occurs in the term & Onwena or Owiena
referring to carvers (and scarifiers). This is the case in Ujiogba, for
example, where the ewawa divination
kit of Ehiabhili Ijewere (Ujiogba, 30 November 1980) includes an object called edion – onwena or ancestors of the
carvers. Although it could not be confirmed
in the field, it is tempting to interpret Uromi's Ediena as a contraction of edign-onwena
or its variant edion-owiena. This
may be compared with the
Benin concept of the Edion Iqbesamwan or collective ancestors of the royal
carvers who, like Uromi's Ediena,
forbid fighting while carving, and have the power to trouble any members of the
guild who transgress this rule, no matter how far from
home they may be (Bradbury, BS 260.3).
Another cognate of the word Onwina exists among the Ika Igbo peoples on the southern
border of Esan. At Onicha – Ugbo, for example, the term for carver is onwene. Women belonging to this social class
are specialists in circumcision and scarification, while the men are expert carvers
(Bradbury BS 656/2). Onwene is also
the term for a carver at the Ika town Ubuluku. The local history states that a
man called Ije established carving there, creating wooden figures and other
objects for the Obi (traditional ruler). Those of his descendants who could
still carve when Bradbury visited in 1961 were responsible for building and repairing
a local shrine which was always constructed of iroko wood (Bradbury BS 653).
These descriptions of Ika
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
When Imiena members were asked if Ediena might be related to ancestors,
they stated that it was not (Chief A.G. Idiahi, Uromi, 1980) and, rather, that
it was a spirit ebo (Andrew Iyore,
Uromi, 1980).
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Onwene activities link them with the onwena of Esan and the Onwina of Benin. Moreover, the name of
the founder-carver, Ije, is Edo and could be either Bini or Esan. In either case,
the itinerant carver Ije was enticed to settle in Ubuluku where, the narratives
relate, the Obi married a daughter to him (Bradbury BS 653).
Although one might suspect that the oral tradition linking
the carvers of Uromi to Benin was fabricated in order to participate in an
illustrious carving heritage, the linguistic and historical evidence supports
the claims that carving communities of Uromi originally acquired their skills
from Benin Onwina carpenters, who
may also have settled in Ika Igbo territory on the !shan borderland. In Benin,
the Onwina were specialists in felling trees, carving house elements
and basic utilitarian objects, and preparing the wood for objects which would
be later carved and decorated by the Igbesamwan-
The latter court sculptors carved royal and chiefly subjects in a certain
refined style. This was not permitted to the Onwina in Benin, who in any case
might not have had the skill or training to reproduce the court style. Onwina emigrees could, therefore, escape the social and artistic
limitations imposed upon them in Benin, and their Uromi trainees and their
descendants would be free to adapt their new skills to the development of new
carving forms and images.
It is necessary to consider the possible impact on Ishan
sculpture of yet another class of Benin carvers, the Omada or centuries-old organization of royal pages and sword bearers
(Egharevba 1968: 32, 40), who often took up carving in their spare time. Oral
testimony suggests that members of the Omada were trained as carvers at least
as early as the 1848-1887 reign of Oba Adolo, and their carving was
strongly encouraged in the 1914-1933 reign of Oba Eweka II (Ben-Amos 1975: 183). This
mid-nineteenth through earlytwentieth century period overlaps the heyday of Esan
carving. Lacking the hereditary social status or ritual sanctions of the Igbesanwan guild, Omada members were free to carve non-traditional subjects and to
experiment with style (Ben-Amos 1975: 186; Hess 1983: 41). In contrast to official
Benin art, Omada works feature
asymmetrical compositions including both frontal and profile figures, often
with elongated bodies and lively poses.
The Omada were
permitted to carve decorative, secular objects only, in contrast to the culturally
significant" works produced by the Igbesamwan
(Ben-Amos 1975: 185). Nevertheless, demand for these innovative sculptures by
the noble classes became a source of wealth for skilled Omada carvers (Ben-Amos 1975: 183). Objects carved in Omada style including decorative wall
plaques, storage boxes, tabletops and benches (Figs. 33, 34) are preserved in some
Esan courtly and chiefly compounds. Esan elites may have been among those who
commissioned Omada carvings, or they
may have received them as gifts from the Oba or chiefs of Benin. It is also
possible that some objects which resemble Benin Omada work were made by Esan youths who were trained as Omada at the Benin court (cf. Ughulu
1950: 39), learning their carving techniques and style. Omada style might also have been initiated by precocious Esan
carvers without benefit of training in Benin. The owners of modern objects in Omada style (Fig. 33) claimed that they
were carved by local Esan carvers (e.g., Chief Josiah Itua, Edohen of Opoji, 12 September 1980).
There are very few Omada-style
sculptures in Esan, however, and none is of political or religious
significance. They are all elaborate relief tableaux illustrating numerous figures
including regalia-laden Obas, chiefs, courtiers, and supernatural beings. These
subjects are familiar to Benin but, as we shall see, they are alien to
traditional Ishan art. It seems clear, therefore, that Omada carving has had no impact, either in style or subject matter,
on the development of Ishan sculpture. Furthermore, the few sculptures in Omada style which are preserved in
Ishan are not associated with local histories recording the establishment of a
carving tradition. No Omada
carvings, moreover, have been found in Uromi, where the historical depth and
social significance of the Imiena carving tradition may have precluded an
active presence of the peripheral Omada
group .
Diagnostic Features
of Esan Sculpture
 |
| Architectural Element Male Figure 19th20th century |
Esan art looks like neither the classic Benin carving by the
Iqbesamwan guild, nor carving by the
Omada court amateurs and, as we have
already noted, the Onwina in Benin
are carpenters rather than carvers. If the Benin Onwina are the ancestral originators of the Uromi carving
tradition, they, like the villagers among whom they settled, were experimenting
with new sculptural forms. For example, the most numerous and symbolically
important elite art objects on the Esan Plateau are figurated house posts and
doors carved with relief images, neither of which are significant art forms in
Benin.
It is difficult to speak of an Esan carving style as there
is considerable variation in the formal features of wood sculpture. Variability
is most pronounced in the carvings produced for commoner use, including elders' staffs
( okpo Figs. 13, 163), ancestral staffs (ukhure, Fig. 160), images for the spirit of the hands (ikegobo, Figs. 182-188), diviners'
figures (iqhole, Figs. 195-199),
dolls (omorban, Figs. 200-205),
masks (okpodu, Figs. 231-240), and a
variety of personal and household objects like combs and serving dishes (Fig.
111). These objects, fulfilling social and
-------------------------------------------------------------------
It is possible that
decorative wooden house posts and doors were once made in Benin, but gave way
to the relief plaques cast in brass, a precious and durable material associated
with the extraordinary power of the king.
-------------------------------------------------------------------
religious needs, are typically simple works carved by nonspecialists. Commoner sculpture, moreover, is generally unconcerned with the affairs or symbols of the state. They do not strive, therefore, either to establish linkages with, or proclaim independence from Benin. Rather, commoner art forms exhibit relationships with a variety of neighboring art traditions; this is particularly so in the case of
masks.
In contrast, sculpture produced for royal and chiefly patrons
is primarily political art, although it may also serve public religious
functions. Elite art includes courtly stools (agbala, Figs. 112-139); elaborate architectural elements including
posts (ore, Figs.
61-102) and doors (akhu or ode. Figs. 40-42, 44-60); objects for the shrines
of royal and noble ancestors such as memorial heads (Figs. 167-169, 172-180),
figures of fowl (Fig. 181), and elaborated versions of the ukhure staff (Figs. 155-157); and decorated furnishings including
kolanut containers (uriebhele, Figs.
142-147) and storage boxes (ekpeti,
Fig. 110)
Although
there are differences from kingdom to kingdom, and
particularly between northern and southern Esan sculpture, there is a certain degree
of formal coherence in the elite sculpture of any given locality. This may
reflect a need to codify the forms and images which were appropriate for
leaders. These elements illustrate, in particular, the status and power of the
Onojie in ways that draw on the prestige associated with Benin while forging an
identity which is independent from Benin.
The diagnostic features of three-dimensional figural sculpture
can be discerned from an analysis of figurated house posts which are quite
numerous. The house post tradition centers on Uromi and includes Ubiaja, Irrua,
Ugbegun, and Udo; in toto, over one hundred carved posts are still preserved in
these northern kingdoms and another dozen or so have surfaced in foreign
collections. While no three dimensional house posts could be found in place in
southern Esan, a number of large-scale architectural figures adorn the shrines
of nobles in Emu, Ohordua and Ewohimi.
Large southern figures are depicted naked with their hands
at their sides, sometimes resting them on the heads of smaller figures {Fig.
99). In the north, male figures wear wrappers while females usually wear waist
beads, and the positions of their arms varies according to the symbolic objects
{sword, whistle, pipe, child) they carry {e.g., Figs. 64-75). In both northern
and southern three dimensional sculpture (e.g., Figs. 95, 100) the figures consist
of a spherical head; little or no neck; a long cylindrical torso which ends in
a full and rounded belly; correspondingly long and typically thin arms; and
relatively short, blocky legs which often join a base without benefit of feet.
The face is flat or slightly concave, with a heavy overhanging brow from which
a flat rectangular or triangular nose extends downward; occasionally the face
is heartshaped, particularly in southern figures. Round or oval eyes project
forward an inch or more just below the brow line. At the base of the jutting jaw, the mouth may be tightly
pursed, straight-lipped, or slightly open. Ears are rare, but when they do
appear, they are small semi-circular elements behind the eyes. The faces
occasionally bear incised marks around the eyes (Fig. 74), and the bodies are typically
covered with finely incised decorative elements, particularly in the north
(Fig. 70).
Esan relief sculpture shares a number of formal features
with three-dimensional figures. Large courtly relief sculptures, including
plank posts and doors, are also
widely distributed in Esan. The preference for unclothed figures
with arms at the sides still characterizes southern reliefs (Fig. 102), while
northern figures are typically depicted clothed and more actively posed (e.g.,
Fig. 49). At times, the legs angle outward from the body at the hip, and
downward at the knee, while the arms are correspondingly arranged outward and
upward (Fig. 42). More generally, the correspondences between relief sculptures
and figures in the round include long torsos and short legs, heavy brow lines (or
heart shaped faces), flat geometric noses, and incised patterns on the bodies
of the figures as well as on their clothing and the objects they hold.
Occasionally the figures in Esan reliefs are outlined with a
series of parallel incisions (Figs. 42, 44), a technique which is most common
in agbala courtly stools (Figs. 124-131). Sometimes the incised lines appear on
the sloping edges of the body itself and sometimes on the similarly sloping
walls of the excavated area surrounding the figure. This decorative technique
can be tentatively localized to the northern Esan area, where examples still exist
in Uromi and Onogholo, and where Northcote Thomas photographed doors with this
device at Ubiaja, and Maurice Cockin collected a stool, probably also in
Ubiaja. These standard features of Esan reliefs and sculpture in the round, as
well as certain deviant forms, will be observed in the following chapters which
focus on clusters of related art objects: architectural elements and courtly furnishings,
including agbala stools and kola boxes; ancestral shrine sculptures including
ukbure staffs, memorial heads, and figures of fowl; images for the veneration
of the hand and divination figures; and masquerades. One consideration which it
may not be possible to reconstruct with the available field data is whether
some formal differences may be attributed to different periods of time within a
single carving area.
 |
| Architectural Element Three Figures, 19th–20th century |
The coming of Benin carvers to Uromi is placed in the reign
of Ayorhe (Chief A.G. Idiahi, correspondence 28 November 1983), who appears in
various kinglists as the fourth, fifth, or sixth .O nojie (Ughulu 1950: 38-40; Chief A.G. Idiahi, Uromi, 3
September 1980 and correspondence, 28 November 1983). This early position in
the Uromi dynasty would place Ayorhe in the sixteenth or seventeenth century.
However, most of the wood sculptures which survive in Uromi,
as well as the other Esan kingdoms, appear to date from the nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries. This dating is suggested, first of all, by the
typical perishability rate for wood sculpture in tropical rainforests; many Esan sculptures
have indeed suffered from weathering and insect damage, and some are mere
fragments.
In addition, oral testimonies help to date a variety of sculptures,
particularly those belonging to noble families. For example, oral histories
preserved at the Uromi palace permit the dating of twenty-nine figurated house posts
to the reigns of Okoro, who came to the throne in 1873 and was killed by the
British in 1900, and his son Okojie I. In an effort to quell resistance in
Uromi, the British stormed the Onojie's palace in 1900, destroying parts of it.
Surviving structures are said to date from 1876, in the early part of Okoro's
reign (H.H. Stephen 0. Edenojie I, Onojie of Uromi, 29 April 1980). When Okojie
assumed the throne in 1901, he rebuilt the palace and installed the posts now found there.
While some posts were new, others may have been reinstalled from
the surviving 1876 structures built by Okoro. The new palace posts date from
the early part of Okojie's reign (1901-1918}, when he commanded great awe and
demanded services and other forms of tribute from his subjects (Okojie [1960]:
228-229). Moreover, both Okoro and Okojie are mentioned in stories concerning
the Ukorhan festival,) and clearly
had close relationships with the carving communities of Uromi during their
reigns.
Elsewhere in Uromi, some owners of figurated posts readily
dated them to the reign of Okoro (e.g., Chief Omhelimhen Egbe, Uromi, 8 May
1980) or Okojie (e.g., Emiator Egbiremhonlen, Uromi, 15 July 1980). Others merely
dated the posts to the era of their fathers or grandfathers, but judging the
age of the owner and figuring
a generation or two back would also place them in Okoro or
Okojie's reign. A few houseposts were dated earlier; for example, severely eroded
examples in Ewoyi village were said to have been gifts from Onojie Ikhimin, the
father of Okoro, to his second son,
whose direct descendant owns them today (Akhibe, Uromi, 17 June 1980). In
addition, Chief Omhelimhen Egbe of Eror village claimed that a heavily damaged
house post was carved by his forebear seven generations removed. Even if this
dating seems questionable, the post predates, and is considered to be the
mother of, a group of better preserved sculptures which were carved during the
reign of Okoro as replacements for older, rotted house posts (Chief Omhelimhen
Egbe, Uromi, 8 May 1980).
Similar oral documentation exists for sculptures other than house
posts, and for Ishan kingdoms other than Uromi.
The name and generation of the person who had carved or commissioned
a sculpture are often remembered because the object became the focus of
ancestral veneration upon his death (e.g., Egbogun Utama, Uromi, 15 July 1980).
Even when, as is often the case, an owner can say no more about the age of his
sculpture than that it was carved before his time, or he grew up to meet it, this
information can establish a base time period before which the object must
have been carved.
Some external corroborating evidence for the dating of Ishan
sculpture comes from early colonial sources. For example, in the kingdom of
Ubiaja, Northcote Thomas photographed many large verandah posts in the palace
(N.W. Thomas Photographs, Cambridge University, n.d.: nos. 994, 1000, 1002,
1003, 1003b, 1007) at the turn of the century.
These posts are complete, in contrast to Esan posts one may see
in the field today, many of which are missing considerable portions of their
lower extremities. In other words, the Ubiaja house posts were recently carved
when Thomas photographed them, which must have been shortly before
they were destroyed by fire in 1902 (H.H. Abumhenre Ebhojie II, Onojie of
Ubiaja, 11 December 1980).
These posts were never replaced. Maurice Cockin, a colonial officer
stationed briefly at Ubiaja (1912), collected a small number of Ishan
sculptures,s including a courtly stool, figurated kolanut bowls, and masks, all
in excellent condition and probably recently carved. On the other hand, Thomas
photographed a carved door which had apparently been reassembled with one of
its three carved panels upside down (Fig. 42). This door must have been old
enough to have needed repair, and those who repaired it seem to have been unfamiliar
with the imagery, suggesting that it had been carved before their time.
It is probably not possible to gauge the antiquity of the
sculptural tradition in Esan, but most extant Esan art dates from the second
half of the nineteenth century to the early twentieth century. Although some
sculptures may be slightly older, few are more recent; large-scale traditional Esan
sculpture has not been carved for many decades. Like the Imiena who today carve unadorned utilitarian objects for the Ukorhan festival, very few Esan carvers
anywhere will attempt to carve
sculptures which are figurated or elaborated with images. When they do, the
results are invariably crude (Fig. 245). One self-taught carver in Uromi has
attempted with moderate success to imitate traditional Esan sculpture {Fig.
246). He cannot find the patronage, however, to continue developing his carving
Skills (Ebholomhen Ayemere, Uromi, 28 July 1980).
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
I am grateful to Jean
M. Borgatti who generously shared with me photographs of the Esan objects
collected by Cockin and now in the collection of his daughter Celia Barclay in
London.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The diminished power of traditional rulers and chiefs under the colonial and national governments, coupled with the influx of cheap imported replacements for handcrafted goods and the substitution of new yardsticks - which to measure wealth and prestige, have caused a severe drop in patronage of the Esan craftsman, as it has throughout Africa. Most of the demand for traditional carvings today is from commoner elders and religious specialists, but these works have always been relatively unelaborated. Other than these, most recent carvings made in !shan reflect a new, non-traditional style (Figs. 247) which might be called "Southern Nigerian Roadside, which has found patronage among the nouveau riche as well as the traditional political and religious leaders. The new carvings do illustrate, however, the continuing process of absorbing and modifying influences from successful external art traditions.
We ever grateful to Prof. Carol A Lorenz, for her work on Esan Art. We will build on your legacy sincerely.
