SOCIO – CULTURAL RELATIONS IN PRE – COLONIAL ESAN
By P. S. Olumese
INTRODUCTION
Esan socio-cultural relations begin with the family
as the basic limit of organisation. The cultural behaviours learnt in the
family considerably influenced the people's behaviour and attitudes. This
attitudinal and relationship factor in pre –colonial Esan will be the main
thrust of this chapter.
Esan cultural institutions have inherent qualities
capable of sustaining an enduring bond in the people's life. The social
institutions revealed that although the Esan appeared politically autonomous,
they had considerable social interrelations which provided peaceful
co-existence and stability in the pre-colonial society.
R. E. ·Bradbury had decried the little or the
absence of knowledge on how Esan chiefdoms were organised arid interrelated
prior to British ruler. It is hoped that this research would fill this gap in
our knowledge of Esan.
THE ROLE OF ELDERS IN ESAN
FAMILY
As in the Yoruba ethnic group, seniority served as
a great cohesive force in the social fabric in Esanland and formed the nexus on
which respect legitimacy and order in the society were based.
The smallest socio-political unit in Esanland is
Uelen. The Uelen could be single or an extended family. Oldest male is the
senior and head of the family called odafen. The headship of a family goes to
the most senior male member in preference to a female not because Esan society
is male-dominated but because women leave the family home for their husbands.
Another fundamental basis on which seniority was rooted was the fact that
lineage genealogy in Eanland is traced and preserved through the male line.
The head Odafen of the family thus becomes the
father of the family, by virtue of age, experience in family customs and the
traditions of the society. It was on this premium that members of the family
gave him unalloyed loyalty and obedience. In spite of his assumed wisdom, the
odafen nevertheless, consulted with other senior members of the family before
major decisions that would affect all members of the family were taken. The
responsibility for settling quarrels and promoting order, tranquillity and
progressive cohesion among members of the family fell on him. Indeed, the allegiance
of all the members of each family to the Odafen constituted a unifying factor
in the family.
The Odafen was not only a secular head, but also a
religious leader. He was and still is the family priest who offered sacrifices
to the gods and ancestral spirits. He made expropriation to the gods on the ancestral
shrine for and on behalf of the members of the family. He took charge of the
faced symbols notably the Ukhur of the patrilineage. The Ukure signified authority
and sanction held by the heads of Esan families. With this authority the Odafen, assumed the rule
of the living representative of all the deceased members of the family unit. The
Odafen had the first choice and offered blessings and prayers to the ancestors
before the main food was eaten, usually in the evenings. Equiano recorded a
nostalgic memory of his people's behavioural pattern in the dim past. Among the
Esan as the Igbo,
Odafen poured libation before eating food or
drinking wine.
"For the spirit of the departed relations
which presides over their conduct, and guarded them from evil.
The family role of the Odafen was not singularly
aimed at creating internal solidarity but done with full regard and cognizance
of the needs and aspirations of the society at large. The family formed only
and integral part of the society. Consequently the Odafen maintained law and
order within and outside the family circle. If a member of his family had any
misunderstanding with a member of another family, it was his duty to liaise
with the Head of the other family with a view to effecting an· amicable
solution. In like manner, he arranged and influenced the choice of spouse for
the young male and female member of his family.
THE ROLE OF
ELDERS IN COMMUNAL RELATIONS
The respect for and dignity of elders was not
limited to the family as it transcended its boundaries. It was also at work in
lineages and in other Esan social associations. The result of the seniority
utilization in Esan society was found in the sober and subtle decisions often
taken by the elders. Elders took decisions after careful considerations of the
issues involved, based on their profound experience and knowledge of Esan
traditions. This respect for elders assumed a wider dimension as it was carried
into the village group. The oldest man in the village was referred to as an
Odionwele. Edion's counsels were sought before major decisions were taken
especially at genera village meetings.
They were accorded some immunities which resulted
from the ·deep· respect and reverence they enjoyed as living representatives of
·the ancestors. They had extended relations with their neighbours, through contacts
with co-elders in other villages.
A major tool in the elders' conduct of internal
and external relations was their knowledge of Esan words and proverbs. They
used such. To flatter or provoke expensive thoughts aimed at warning against
violence or any action the elders believed was undesirable or persuading people
to take the wiser course of action in any given situation. The elders also
preached about the calamity that could result if their counsel was not heeded.
It was unusual for younger people not to heed the words of the elders since
they believed them to words of wisdom. In summary, the role of seniority or
eldership in the· socio-cultural context was important as they served as
rallying points for acquiring wisdom and cementing cordial intra and inter
group relationship.
It is pertinent to highlight the fact that
Esanland seniority was not always determined by age.
Some men or women who had distinguished themselves
through the exhibition of proven qualities and had shown transparent honesty
could be accepted as seniors and leaders in their groups. For example, the
leaders of a hunter guild, craft or trading groups could be selected on
criteria other than by age. This choice of leadership may be due to the fact
that Esan culture also emphasized achievement orientation and honesty. As in the
hunter’s guild, the hunter who is most knowledgeable in shooting and following
trails could be regarded as a leader of a guild even though he should have
other hunters who were senior to him by age. The leader of a craft guild was
usually the founder or the sponsor of the guild. In this case all those who
associated with him as members of the guild would have done so either through
apprenticeship or by direct affiliation. Apart from these few and isolated
cases Esan social organisation was purely on age grade. By this traditional
order it was most unlikely for someone to enlist in an organization that was
led by a younger age group.
Thus, once prayers or blessings were to be offered,
such responsibility unavoidably fall on whoever was the senior male member in
the group.
This brings into focus the importance of seniority
in Esan socio-cultural milieu. Once people are gathered it was customary for
the host to present kolanut to the people. Kola nuts has a tremendous
sociocultural significance in Esanland. The societal recognition and respect
for kolanuts may perhaps be due to the Esan people's belief that kolanut usher
in life. The privilege of breaking kolanut and praying over it was usually the
prerogative of a man.
If a man presented a kola nut to his visitors who were
members of the same village, the eldest among them would break it even if the
host was senior. This order emanated from the belief that when a stranger
enters a home, new blessings came with him. The host and the members of his
household were blessed by invoking God Almighty and the ancestral spirit to
guard and protect them all the days of their lives. The-would be partakers of
the kolanuts were also prayed for individually, if time permitted.
In some other cases the breaking of kola-nut was not
always, dope on the basis of seniority, as other variables were sometimes
considered. In certain situations Odion title overrides seniority by age, as a
way of relegating the social status of those who are seniors, but unable to
perform the ceremonies to become an Odion.
It has been asserted above that the oldest man in an
assembly or in a group always had the right of breaking kolanuts, but this
order changed once an Odion was present as seniority determined only by age would
no longer apply. The Odion could break kolanut even if there were people who
are senior him by age. This reflects the Esan social stratification which
places the Edion as belonging to the highest social group. Indeed, it was the
highest social status an ordinary citizen could aspire to in the society. This
social importance of Odion title had compelled people to strive hard in order
to perform the ceremony early.
Generally in Esan intra-group relations, claims of
common origin and brotherhood were quite dominant. This forms a third base on
which seniority in a gathering could be claimed. When people from different
village group were gathered, the order of Seniority was determined according to
chiefdoms. In order to determine which chiefdom was senior, chiefdom origins
were often reiterated before kola nuts were broken. The person to break the
kola-nut would 15e determined from a review of origin claims. For example, the
people of Udo, Ubiaja and Ugboha chiefdoms have their traditions of origin
which showed that these chiefdoms were founded by three brothers. The, breaking
of kolanuts when people of these areas were gather was done by an Udo because
Udo is the senior chiefdom. In the absence of an Udo man an Ubiaja man would
break the kolanut. A young man in the midst of elders who had the traditional
prerogative of breaking the kolanut, because he hailed from a senior community
could show society and courtesy by transferring such rights to the eldest man
present. He would in the circumstances touch the kolanut and pass it over to
the eldest man.
The people of Ewohimi, Ewatto, Ewossa are bound
together in a traditional brotherhood which evolved from a claim of common
origin. The seniority of these communities fell on Ewohimi followed by Ewatto
and Ewossa). The breaking of kola-nut here is consonant with the stated order.
Similar intra-group relations that tended to
foster social, mutual interaction and interdependence among the Esan people
could been in ether various chi chiefdoms. For example, the people of Okhordua,
Emu, Okhuesan have a brotherhood bond. This brotherhood was expressed once
kola-nut was to be broken. The eastern neighbours of Orowa and Inyenlen were
said to have been immigrant that were given land to settle by the Onojie of
Emu. Since they were given land they had to ingratiate themselves with their
hosts by paying tributes. Therefore they claim junior position in any
relationship with Emu.
Uromi and Uzea are tied together in their
inter-group relations. Uzea's seniority over Uromi has been a common knowledge
among the people of the two village groups. When people from Uzea and Uromi
were gathered, the Uzea man broke kolanut and offered prayers and blessings.
These practices tended to show the resilient
legacies inherent in communal living which appear to have characterized the
pre-colonial Esan commuiunties.
The dominant influence of Ekpoma in this 'Century
may have been dependent on her brotherly relation with many Village groups like
Egoro, Opoji, Ewu, Ekpon. Among these village groups, Ekpoma was dominant as
many migrants left there to settle in the other village Groups. In some,
descendants of the Ekpoma royal family were said to have founded the ruling
families of the Village groups like Opoji and Ekpon.
When people from all parts of Esan communities were
gather, it was the man from Irrua that broke the kolanuts. This had become and
undisputed traditional order in Esan society. It would appear however, that the
Irrua elder status in Esan is attendant on the 18th century
development between Esanland and Benin. Dr. Okojie ascribes this Irrual
privilege as emanating from the incident that took place in the palace of the
Oba Akenzua 1 who reign from 1713 to 1735. This incident occurred when Oba
Akenzua 1 recognized the Onojie of Irrua (Ojirrua) as Okaijesan because he
uncovered the food that was presented to the Esan Enijie as well as performing
the customary oblation. It would appear that other considerations were
significant in the Oba’s recognition of the Ojirrua as primus inter pares among Esan Enijie. In the oral tradition of
origin the founder of Irrua claimed to have migrated from Ile-Ife at the same
time with Bini’s second dynasty. Apart from this claim, Irrouwa the wife of the
founder of Irrua married a Bini Princess. Furthermore, Irrua had been known and
recognized especially by Bini as the headquarters of Esan just as Agbor was for
the Ika. It could therefore be argued that Irrua monarchy had a long
consanguinity with the present Benin dynasty which must have influence the Oba
in conferring honours and prestige on the Ojokie of Irrua.
Meanwhile, the Onojie of Ewohimi had openly challenge
this seniority order of Ojirrua. The Onojie and people of Ewohimi has also
grown very intimate with the Oba of Benin from the early 18th
century. Oba Akenzua 1 in 1713 was helped by the Onojie and people of Ewohimi
to the Benin thrown when they suppressed Prince Ozuere, by force of arms. Oba
Osamwede in 1816 was also help to the thrown by a military force raised and
nurtured in Ewohimi. Ewohimi perhaps relied on the closeness with Benin to
contest seniority with Irrua.
MARRIAGE AS A
FACTOR IN ESAN RELATIONS
Esan traditional marriage was aimed at serving two
principals purposes. These were to established cordial inter or intra-group
relations and to procreate. The contraction of marriages in Esan society was an
exclusive affair of the elders or parents of the bride and groom. Families had
used marriages to strengthen diplomatic relations with each other or with
groups and villages. To this end, infant betrothal which became widespread in
Esanland was used by parent to build up intra or inter-group cohesion and
brotherhood among families and villages groups. For instance, a parent or an
Onojie of one town who needed the friendship of an Onojie of another could
effect his desire by arranging to betroth his daughter to the son of that
Onojie. Once betrothal had been successfully formalized, the characteristic
cordial in-law relationship would commence. This cordiality would be further
strengthened once a child emerged in the union. Isidahomen, the Onojie of Irrua
had married queen Ebuade, daughter of the Onojie of Ugboha and this union
created a peaceful and friendly tie between Ugboha and Irrua. The Enijie or
Uromi and Opoji who had quarrelled previously became reconciled through the
marriage of Ozedu the daughter of the Onojie of Uromi to the Onojie of Opoji.
They gave birth to Omokhoa who later became the Onojie of Opoji.
Although the Esan people had maintained a
patrilineal system, no man was ever absolutely isolated from his mother’s
people. On the death of his mother, he would traditionally bury the remain of
the mother in her ancestral homeland. A man who had problems and difficulties
in his father’s homeland could migrate to his mother’s and, where usually he
would be subjected to less competition in life. This type of relationship which
existed between villages and communities through marital arrangement added a
fillip to trade and cooperation in Esan. Traders in one village group would
become inviolate in some other villages where their sisters or daughters were
married. The in-law interlocking connection was a guarantee for these traders
security of life and property.
Esan traditional marriages system allow for the
continuity of the wedded group. Once the family of the bride wealth groom and
had paid the traditional bride wealth and services to the family of the bribe,
the marriage would be then be regarded as conclusive. The children from such
union would belong the bridegroom’s family. But when a man was unable to have a
male child, the eldest surviving d daughter was allowed to choose a respected
man for the purpose of procreation. The children from such union belonged to
the woman’s’ family. As no bride wealth was paid, no marriage was contracted.
This type of procreation was certainly not prostitution as N.W. Thomas
misunderstood the system. The society that had profound respect for traditions
would never allow their custom to be abused.
The cementing relationship which traditional
marriages fostered in Esan was sustained by its stability and characteristic
indissolubility. In proof, Igbafe’s sudy of ancient Benin Kingdom, in which
were the Esan people, he asserts that “once an indigenous marriage was
contracted under native law and custom, it had a recognised stamp of permanency.
The bride wealth which was paid in the Esan traditional marriage to the family
of the bride was shared by all members of the family to the bridegroom. To all
intents and purpose, all relatives helped to encourage the creation of an
enduring good and harmonious relationship between the two families.
In Esan traditional settings, provision was not
made for divorce, since prostitution was against the traditional norms of the
society. The settlement pattern provided for all members of the family to be
accommodated in one house. In such residential arrangement women who were house
wives and daughters had their living rooms in houses built behind the main
house (Odugha) where the males were accommodated. The living arrangement in
pre-colonial Esan, women whose husband had died would be inherited by the dead
man’s next of kin after a not too expensive ritual performance. Esan traditions
abhorred any reference to a woman as a dead’s wife. This was why a woman was
inherited by her late husband next of kin. All women married into family were
expected to comply with the order of that home. Peace order and the communal
living which were permanent features of Esan prevented divorce. Whenever dissension arose, it was quickly
settled through the intermediary role of the senior members or elders (Edion)
of the houses. An Esan house wife in spite of her previous social status or age
would realize at marriage that she had become the most junior member of her
husband’s pertrilineage. There was no dispute about the order of the
precedence. She would be socialized into the community of wives organization in
the village by her mother-in-law and other female’s relatives of the family. In
the house, she would imbibe the norms of married life and the etiquette of the
lineage.
The issue that would have been problematic and
capable of causing divorce was that of the wife’s sterility or husband
importance but such developments were contained internally in the family. If
after a reasonable laps of time, a legitimately contracted marriage had not
been blessed with children, the man with full consent could marry second wife
without divorce. Also the parent of a husband or in their absence, elders of
the patrilineage could provide a wife with a respectful man outside the
patrilineage as the husband if a husband’s impotence was discovered. This
arrangement was usually conducted with a high sense of responsibility and
secrecy in order to avoid denting the woman’s real husband image in the
society. Before this arrangement was finalized, the parents could perform some
sacrifices which constituted a symbol of dispensation against adultery. The
children from such secrete union belong to the family of the woman’s husband.
Such children were not susceptible to any social or legal disabilities.
Such internal adjustment became necessary because
of the Esan people’s view of life that every family should have children to
propagate their lineage. It would also appear imperative that for economic reason.
Families ought to have children which formed the power that constituted the
insurance against old age. As a consequence, it was of paramount importance for
each family to have male children, who served as the family labour force.
THE ROLE OF OKOVEN
IN ESAN RELATION
In the pre-colonial times, Esan appeared to have
had profound inter-village relations. Some village groups in Esan claimed very
intimate brotherhood to the extent that no marked land boundary existed to
strictly demarcate one area form the other. For example, relationship existed
among Udo, Ubiaja, and Ugboha. Even though these independent communities overly
expressed their political autonomy, they had no marked land boundary
differentiating their geographical areas. Due to this absence of boundary a man
in any of these groups could move out from one village group to the other to
settle and own land provided such land had not been previously cultivated or
inhabited by someone else. Among the Ebelle, Okalo and Ogwa communities, land was
free to any citizen for cultivation and habitation. The Ewohimi, Ewatto and
Ewossa groups had such unity. Ekpoma, Opoji, and Uromi similarly claim communal
ownership of land. Indeed, before the colonial period Esan people would appear
to have cherished good neighbourhood, in areas
where fierce and hostile competitions for land would have occurred
between people of two abject villages, a conflict situation was averted by the
people’s agreement to institutes a blood pact Okoven.
Okoven was sworn to for two fundamental reasons,
either to put hint a halt to an existing imminent hostilities between
communities or to guarantee continuous peaceful co-existence in Esan society.
Traditional, Okoven oath was to be
sworn to by the elders and Enebo or
diviners representing the affected communities. Once the Okoven oath was sworn to, it was expected to cement relationship,
promote relationship, kingship and non-aggression between the affected
communities. The spot on which the oath was taken constituted the Alo Okoven alter. Atonement was made
here by a citizen contravened its tenets. The ancestors were regarded the
people as the custodians of the Okoven oath
while the spirits were held to be omnipotent and the oath was most binding.
Although it could be argued that the rarity of land disputes in Esanland during
the pre-colonial time was due to the vastness of the land, what appeared to be
overwhelming was the Esan belief in the power of the departed spirits. The
departed spirits were believed to affect an immediate punishment on all people
that went contrary to the tenets of the Okoven.
The Esan communities that claimed common origins
were automatically regarded to have contracted non-aggressive pacts. The
society required members of these communities “not to see or spill each other’s
blood.” This pact in pre-colonial times was instrumental in the cohesion of
Esan society. Communities that were in hostiles relationships came together
after swearing to the Okoven oath.
Ubiaja and Uromi were engage in internecine warfare which influenced the
transfer of Ubiaja royal palace to Eguare
from Oyomon to a more centralised site principally for security purpose within
the Ubiaja chiefdom, this transfer further led to the displacement of the Unolo
people. However, elders of Oyomon in Ubiaja and Efandion in Uromi who were
contiguous neighbours and, indeed, bore the brunt of the warfare decided to
ameliorate the conflict by swearing to Okoven
oath. Once this oath was taken further military confrontation between
Efandion in Uromi and Oyomon in Ubiaja became prohibitive.
There were
priest that worship at Alo Okoven (alter).
The perception of life, by Esan people was closely tied to the spirits and
therefore, people strove not to provoke the anger of the spirits. All oaths
sworn to in the name of the spirits or ancestors were scrupulously observed.
THE ROLE OF
DANCERS IN ESAN RELATIONS
Culturally, some village groups institutionalized
social relations with other groups within Esan society according to their
conveniences and interest through dance alliances. Esan had numerous dances like
Ilo, Agbega, Oleke, abayon, aghenojie,
Obodorhibhafe, and Igbabonelimin. Each
village group had up to about five different types of dances for their social
recreation and relaxation. These dances were usually practiced from the periods
of harvest to the beginning of the next farming season. The most popular of
these dances, and indeed unique to Esan people had been the Igbabonelimin
dance.
The relations mutated among the Esan people had
been considerable. A village in one specific village-group could established
friendship alliance with a village in another village group that hitherto had
not been in any specific relationship through the Igbabonelimin dance.
As soon as two villages agreed to establish
Igbabonelimin dancing relationships, a date was fixed for its commitment. In
this arrangement, the males except the very young boys of the village would
move in a body to the village) which became the host on this first occasion),
with all their dancing equipment, social and ceremonial dresses. While the males
arrived in their host village, they assembled in the village Ughele with joy
and felicity the males in the host village, except infants, would come to where
the visiting villages were assembled to choose friends. Once this choice made,
it usually remained permeant except owning to the death of one of them or due
to cessation of the dancing relations. In fact, even when the dancing alliance
stopped the personal family friendship continued to exist.
The chosen males would follow their hosting
friend’s home where they would be fed and sumptuously entertained for two days.
At the end of the second day, before the visiting males departed, their host
friend would provide them with valuable gifts like tobacco salt, meat, fish and
sometimes woven cloth. Indeed, much depended on the opulence and affluence of
the friends involved. Essentially, the value of the gifts presented was
expected to be reciprocated in the future. It would appear to discern in this
study, a traditional creation of bilateral relations, which could attest to the
proverbial African traditional hospitality.
In the following years, the previous visitors
would them host those that had previously hosted them. At this second occasion
the pair friends had known themselves except in the case of nerd initiates that
would choose their friends. It was obligatory for the generosity of the
previous hosts to be adequately reciprocated. Indeed, the idea was to improve
on the standards, previously set. In a general social situation, they had
concluded a friendly alliance which was capable of weakening hostility and
enhancing cordiality and solidarity. This was a common features in Esan. Where
most village groups contracted.
Apart from security Esan had other uses. Esan communities
had also used dance to teach the cherished societies virtues and to condemn
vices which are anti-social. Promoting morality in the society was done the Ikhio dance. This dance was by women
only. Unlike, the Igbabonelimin which cut across the confines of local
community. Ikhio was internally
organized. The dance was nocturnal. Women used songs to satirize women and men
with criminal tendencies in the society. The songs were meant to ridicule the
“criminals” and their families.
The effect of this was to serve as a deterrent
against one’s involvement in antic social acts. By and large the Ikhio nocturnal dance was expected to
serve as a social control mechanism in the Esan society.
THE ROLE OF
FESTIVALS IN ESAN RELATIONS
Each Esan village had at least traditional annual
festival which was celebrated during harvest periods. In some village groups
two categories of festivals existed, those of women and those of men. The women
festivals, like the one celebrated at Uromi called Igba–agwa–hol–sague were usually performed in June and July
cereals had matured.
In most other village groups in Esanland festivals
called Ugbe or Ihunlan were generally celebrated by all sundry. Its celebration
marked an annual commencement of the harvesting of yams which the Esan people
regarded as the “king” of farm crops.
Festivals were not celebrated simultaneously
throughout Esanland, instead each village had specific periods for their own
celebration. What is significant of this occasion is its provisions of a forum
for contracting inter-group relations between one village group and another.
The right to stipulate a day on which a village festival was to be celebrated
was a prerogative of the Edion and Ekhaimo of that village. The decision
would be announced with a gun shot.
Thereafter people would begin to invite their
friends form far and near to attend the festival various contact would be made
through old friends to have new friends from the neighbouring villages. This
period provided opportunity to increase the number of friend an individual had
outside his own village group. In this process, the village generally would be
drawn into vortex of inner-group relations. As a man’s social prestige and
influence were determined from the number of visitors he had, each family
strove to woo friends to be their guest at ceremony.
Each adult celebrant would make prodigious
provision to adequately entertain his expected guest. The Esan staple food of
pounded and Ohele or Ikpekpan soup were plentiful. Palm win,
its distilled gin and high quantity of tobacco were provided to be consumed
during the ceremony. Indeed, the period was always marked with great festival
and revelry.
This period also provided an occasion for a
traditional redistribution of wealth in Esanland. On the one hand, visitors
were expected to bring along with them various gift ranging from the highest
valuable product of yams to the lowest market product, like pepper to their
hosts. On the other hand, at then of the festivals the visitor were also
expected to be given gifts to take home the gifts that would finally be given
to be the departing visitors would be commensurate with what the visitors had
offered in the first instance.
In this process, it would seem that an enduring
relationship was built by the people in one village group with the people of
another group. The people of a village group who were previously visitors would
not become host as they celebrated their own festival. They would expect their
formal good gestures to be reciprocated. Friendship built up in this
relationship would not easily terminate since the friendship jointly
established were extended to wives. Therefore once such friendship was
established it was bound to enhance cordiality and peaceful co-existence among
neighbouring peoples.
The gifts presented during festivals celebrations
or simply at harvest times had various names. Some writers had referred to this
presentation as tributes. In Esanland, it would appear that people who were
involved in the traditional transfer of annual gifts do not conceive of such
interaction in terms of master servant connotation. Traditional rulers, Edion
(elders) or vent ordinary citizens were obliged to send gifts to their distant
or near fiends, landlords and godfathers especially at harvest times when one’s
wealth usually increased. Strongly, such traditional exchange of gifts emphasized
the individual’s determination to remain in a friendly relations. It also
demonstrate the Esan people’s readiness to share one’s with others.
It is pertinent to stress that cessation of
“payment” per se would not automatically provoke a reprisal since the presenter
actually not under compulsion to make those gifts. It was a patterned behaviour
in Esanland for a junior person to pay homage to a more senior fellow. It was
conceived that juniors thrive on the blessings and goodwill of their seniors.
These extensions of gifts tribute payments had
proved useful in the diplomatic relationship which existed among the Esan
communities. Even Esan Enijie often
sent gifts annually especially at harvest times to their counterparts in other
communities, yet, this presentation hardly showed inferiority one Onojie to
other. Rather, such presentation emphasized interdependence and cordial
relations. These gifts were never unidirectional but was usually reciprocated
by the receivers. It would appear that some Esan monarchs (Enijie) at time
could withdraw annual tributes (or preferably gifts) to an Oba of Benin, if
they considered that their harvest were not buoyant enough for them to enrich
their Oba.
Social cultural relation in pre-colonial Esan was
enhanced through the various mechanisms that were put by the people. This
include the family as a unit of organisation. But the customary and peace and
tranquillity that pervaded the Esan society emendated from various methods that
were used by the people to enhance life.
Source:
Department of History. Edo State University Ekpoma, Nigeria.
