By A. I. OKODUWA
Esan is located in the tropical zone of Northern
part of the Nigeria forest region. Esan is an Edo word which refers to a people
and their land situated on a plateau of North-East of Benin City. Esan has
boundaries on the North West with Owan and on the North East with Etsako, on
the South West with Orhionwon and Ika, while on the South and South East with
Aniocha and Oshimili areas respectively. The River Niger terminate her Eastern boarders.
According to Peter Darling, most boundary permanent's and
other territorial details are little more than recent attempts to redefine in
physical terms an ill-defined or concept of historical validity. This is to
emphasize the lack or absence of rigidly defined geographical boundaries ain
pre-colonial Esan. Despite the expansion and contraction of her geo-political
boundaries in the pre-colonial times, the Esan people retained their relative
flat terrain where they develop their society. By the end of the pre-colonial
period, the geo-political extent of Esan was about 1, 858 square kilometres
Generally, early Esan settlers located their settlements and
farms on the upper interfluves and avoided the valleys. Instead, they preferred
having much of their activities on the dry areas of the land and as such
settled in the upper interfluves or plateau leaving the valleys as “no man’s
land”. According to P.J Darling, “this appears to have been a strong pattern in
the past, being graphically illustrated by the location of Iyala (Moat)
enclosures and pottery sherds discovered.
The location of Esan settlements away from the valleys was
based on traditional beliefs which provided a link between the real causal
agents and the forms of behaviours. Usually valleys were flooded during raining
seasons, not airy and without adequate sunshine for both the farmer and his
root crops. According to P.J Darling, the Esan were descended from and influx,
or series of influxes of savannah dwellers who in the course of their migration
went along with their settlement pattern, customs and prejudices. Part of this
culture was not to settle in the valleys not only of the fever – carrying
mosquitoes but as the valleys also haboured tse – tse fly with its dreaded
sleeping sickness. According to R.P. Moss,
moist soil condition provided the
ideal habitat for the yaws spirochaete
(Traponema Pertenue) carried by the eye gnat (Hippoletes pallipes), and the
swampy flood –plains provided a wide range of suitable habitats for the various
species of mosquito, the main vectors of fever, filariasis and elephantiasis.
Malaria is still one of the most widespread diseases in Africa today.
As the early Esan
settlers moved south from the Savannah into the forest, they continue their
Savannah derived preferences of settling along the interfluves and constructed
Oghodo or ponds to avoid or reduce visiting rivers and streams. The evidence from
the Iyala, moat and sherd distribution attest to the early maintenance of high
localized population densities. The primary settlements of clustered tightly
together among the interfluves and later each village entity occupied larger
land areas as people moved out of the central core. In this way the forest
areas with their associated tse-tse flies and sleeping sickness were driving
into river valleys.
THE LAND
Studies have shown that the relatively flat terrain of Esan
has “an average slope of about 1838 on the surface with an elevation ranging format
between 350 to 460 metres above sea level.” The highest point on this Plateau
exists at the village in the Uromi Chiefdom with “466 metres above sea level.”
The topsoil of the Esanland is a mixture of laterite and sandy light brown
soil; and just beneath this, according to professor Akinbode, is made of up “of
clays, fine-grained sands, lignite, and carbonaceous shaley clays”. Generally,
the tops soil which is full of humus like probably was in the pre-colonial era
must have been primarily be responsible for good crop yields especially yams in
the region. This in turn must have encouraged planting of crops and the
settlement of the region. Part of the Esan live on the plateau and part on the
lowlands. The chiefdoms of Irrua, Ekpoma, Ubiaja, Ugboha, and Uromi were on the
plateau while Ewohimi, Ewu, and Orhodua were on the lowlands. Accoridingly to
Okojies, the established chiefdoms, in
the early Esan were Irrua, Uromi, Ekpoma, Ubiaja, Ugboha, Ewohimi, Ewu, Uzea,
Emu, Ohordua, Ebelle, Amahor, Okalo, Udo and Ugbegun.
Esanland can be divided into two broad categories – the
lowland and the plateau. The lowlands is rich in water with several springs and
streams. It marks the end of plateau. Okojie describes the plateau of Esan land
as waterless in contrast to the lowlands. The streams are few and there is
insufficient water for general needs of the people because most of villages do
not have natural sources of water. The water table appears low and Akinbode Emphasis
that to the West and South of the tributaries of the Ossiomo River drain into
the Benin River while the Eastern Rivers including Utor stream drain into the Nigeria.
The rivers cut deep valleys which penetrate almost to the centre of the
plateau. In the view of P.J Darling, the plateau has “powerful” springs, some
occurring at the permanent regional water table and others, such the Ekpoma
spring coming from perched aquifers.” In essence, these sources of water supply
were hardly sufficient because the pre-colonial Esan dug open pits or Oghodo
which were used to store rain water. An informant also stated that before the
introduction of pipe borne water supply to the every part of Esan in 1955,
every village possessed a central pond where the inhabitants went to fetch
water for domestic needs. Such central ponds were dug through communal efforts
under the auspices of the village’s elders who equally kept a close watch over
their years to year maintenance. Even in several cases individual “family
units” had their private ponds. Such ponds or Omin were dug in the family
compounds and were maintained by their members while the Oghodo or central pond
was maintained by the members of the village unit. Thus water from the ponds
and the various streams were used to meet the domestic needs of the Esan
people.
Of relevance to meeting the water needs of the Esan people
were the Odighi or seasonal lakes formed form earths subsidence. The Odighi
pools were shallow elliptically and enclosed depressions on the interfluved
soil level and the range in the width from 100 metres to over 2 kilometres. The
magnitude rule out anything but natural origin. In the rainy season, the odighi
was often saturated and formed swampy open water bodies which retained water
through much of the dry season. As it eventually dries up, water holes up to a
metre deep were dug progressively nearer the centre of the depression by those
searching for water. The people usually preferred to get the water from the
odighi in the wet season, followed the dry season digging of water holes in the
depression which also was one of the important factors in the early
colonization of the plateau. The cultural practice of digging water holes in
the odighi depression perhaps contributed to the knowledge of digging the
Oghodo and omin ponds. It must be emphasised however that Oghodo was also dug
to collect mud for house building while again the idea of digging omin can be
attributed to natural intelligence.
MINERALS.
Esanland possessed some minerals which were exploited by the
early settlers. Prominent on the plateau was the clayey soil which was
exhibited in the various ways. For example. There was the eating of the white
kaolinitic clay eko by pregnant women.
Also it was used to manufacture medicines. The practice of eating crustal clay
originated with the knowledge that kaolin effectively combated morning sickness
in pregnancy. It later acquired the erroneous reputation that it was
nutritious. Thus eko was much sought after and it was found in many parts of the
Esan plateau.
The Kaolinitic clay eko
was distinct from the pure white clay erhe which mostly found in the
lowlands. Like the Bini, the Esan used the white chalk erhe for sacrifices,
burial, adornment of bodies and homes during festivals and ceremonies to herald
good tidings. Unlike the crustal eko
clay, erhe was powdery when excavated until it was, moulded into sizes for
various purposes.
The third type of clay unakpa is red and was used for building
houses. This was typical of the free standing mud walls of the Esan
architecture. It was the predominantly soil in the plateau. Therefore its use
was a characteristic Esan patter of economic optimization in ecological
habitat. The red clay soil, met the immediate need for mud to build houses and
such buildings lasted for generations even through the colonial period. Apart
from meeting a practical need, the red clay was believed to have protective
qualities against evil. The Edo people generally believe that red is a threatening
colour which has the power to drive evil spirits. This red combined with white,
was believed to bring peace and prosperity to the Esan home. I t was I n this
vein that E. Ogie emphasised that the Edo man “loves the gorgeous colour which
his soil supplies. . .”
Apart from clay, another mineral that was found in the
Esanland and exploited by the Esan people of the Ekpoma and Uzea was gold.
Gold, unlike clay, is a precious metal and its exploitation was controlled
through religious sanctions. Gold mining activities were carried out in the
cover of the dark and its production fell into a few hands controlled by the
oto or Earth Shrine Priest so that not many people knew the location or source
of the supplies. Despite the efforts of keep the mining of the gold in Esan a secret,
Van Naerssen of the Dutch Company and six Aki slaves were sent by Oba Ozolua
C1483 -1504 from Benin to locate the
source of gold in the Esan country. According to Alan Ryder, at Uzea, “three of
them went with some servants of the Oba to an area where the ruler and his
council thought gold might be found. . . There with great labour the slaves
gathers minute amount of gold dust…” This was enough confirmation about the
existence of gold in the region and the Oba launch a war again the Uzea people.
It was in this war that Oba Uzolau was subsequently killed. Esanland had
minerals.
CLIMATE
Esanland is influenced by two yearly seasonal winds. These
are the South -West and the North -East winds. The formal blows from Atlantic
Ocean from April to October, and is warm and humid. The wind prevails over the
land and brings in its wake heavy rains causing the rainy or wet season. This
was a period of the heavy rainfall. It was also a period of much human activity
when the planting of various crops by the farmers and their families was done.
When rainfall rings the North East winds. This usually lasted from November to
March when there is virtually no rain in Esanland. The Esan climate at this
time is very hot with a temperature of about 23 degree – 25 degree centigrade
at mid-day. From December to January the weather becomes so harsh that it is
referred to as the harmanttan or Okuakhua. According to Akinbode, these
seasonal variations in the region could be due to “latitudinal migration of the
inter-tropical convergence zone (ITCZ)” Although rainfall is unevenly spread
throughout the period of the rainy season, light rainfalls are at times
recorded in the months of December and January. Again strong winds and high air
temperatures could be recorded between the months of January and March while
the lowest are recorded during the months of the June and July. Generally, the
altitude of the Esan plateau modified the temperature to such a level of
elimination extreme weather conditions. It is therefore not surprising that the
relatively flat tops of the plateau are much cooler than parts of the land
through the year.
VEGETATION & FOREST RESOURCES
Esan a rich vegetation’s made up of two distinct parts.
Predominantly, the southern part of the area are made up of the moist deciduous
forest, rich in timber and other forest woods. This are comprised the lowlands
with rivers and numerous valleys. The forest were thickly wooded and inspired
beliefs from the average Esan individual. In this respect, the forest bush was
held distinct from the forest farm. At night, without the backing of ebolo or
strong medicine even the bravest of hunters respected the wild forest or
‘forest bush’. Only few dared risk the strange and terrifying experience of
venturing where they thought the evil azem or witches were operating in tree
tops and they believe that even the relatively harmless ihoholele or dwarf –
like beings found in the deep forest could killed if they ran between one’s
legs. In the forest bush too it was said roamed the spirits of those who had
not been settle by proper burial ceremonies. Thus the forest thickly woody
could and unreceptive was generally dreaded by the ordinary Esan especially at
night.
Yet in day time the forest
and its products were highly valued for their innumerable contribution everyday
life. The forest was vital to the
life and
Culture of the
Esan. There were medicinal preparations
for leprosy, gonorrhoea, loose teeth, fevers, abscesses, black tongue'
childbirth and purgatives.
There were Portions prepared from forest products to put people to sleep, charms to make yams grow and poison for
ordeal
and to put on arrow tips. Different
timbers were used for nearly every aspect of house building and there were a variety of woods for making
tool! Native tobacco-pipe, traps and for collection as firewood. Burnt wood derivatives included charcoal, potash; salt and
ashes for native soap and native dye. There were adhesives,
sponges for polishing house walls, ropes bowstrings, dance rattles etc. There
were special tree used for chewing sticks and many fruits; seeds, roots and
leaves gather for the preparation of different soup. There were other food
stuffs such as wild beans, edible fungi, palm wind, snails and honey from wild
bees. Hunters caught various games from the forest rich in wild animals
including bush pigs esi, giant pouch rat’s eluo and grasscutters Okhaen etc.
part of the forest riches can be gleaned from a description of the 15th
century market places in the Benin area.
". . .
Roasted baboons and monkeys – bats and large rats, parrot, dried lizard, fruit,
palm wine.”
The
contradiction of Esan attitudes to the forest i.e. their fear of its
supernatural forces on the one hand and their physical dependence on it for
their everyday needs on other have led to different interpretations some
interpretations suggested that the nucleated Esan villages and their farm and
fallow lands were separated and surrounded by forests ever threatening to
encroach and believed to be peopled with evil spirits. 30 To this end, Esan
attitudes to the forests stemmed from fear on the other hand, Peter Darling
have suggested the possibility of higher population densities or a continuation
of savannah derived practices to preserve the flora during the period of Iyala or moat constructions (C1000 AD) in the
area. In this vein a higher or low population tended to favour practices in
which conservation of the useful forest environment (at the margins of the
rotational bush fallow system) were encouraged. Therefore it was not fear but
the cultural dictates to conserve the flora that created a reverence of the
forest among Esan. According to J. B Webster “Plant totems have been associated
the preservation of flora in the Sahel. The Oak tree among several other is the
“Totem of the Isaba ward in Ewoyoma” village in Uromi. So also other trees are
held in reverence among the Esan people. Whether it was reverence derived from
fear or for preservation, the forest survived long into the colonial period
when it was denuded by colonial companies that exploited the timber for export
even though forest resources were needed by the Esan people. Timber concessions
were granted by the colonial governor in Esan to Messrs W. B. Maclever and Co.,
Messrs A.C.B Henri and Co., Messr Mc Neil Scott and Co., and Messrs Miller Bor.
Ltd.
The dichotomy between the 'forest bush and forest
farm' was created by the early Esan and
it was based on neat ecological
distinctions of forest, bush and farm. According to Ben Amos, there was a major
dichotomy between concepts of home and
bush, wild and civilized nature and
culture - a dichotomy in which the Iyala
or moat once played an important part and survived till the present day.
Both concepts were incorporated into the annual cycle of ceremonies in Esan.
For example in the chiefdom, the year began with ceremonies
concerned with brushing the farm and
purifying the land after planting,
other ceremonies were directed at the fertility of crops. The Ikukpe ceremony
in Ekpoma for example marked the traditional end of the year. The entire
agricultural cycle derived much of its spiritual dependence from the forest and this
is in addition to the physical dependence of agriculture and housing on forest
products. In the culture of a rotational bush fallow system the fallow time
exceeded the time the land is cultivated and the aim usually was created a
regular system of fallows which was never permitted to return to woodland or
forest bush. The Esan term Ugbon uke last year’s farm and Ugbo nikpea last year
but one’s farm expresses fallow; Ogo an overgrown farm clearing, as an
extension of farmland Ugbo and not forest Oha. Thus the farmland was held
distinct from the un-closed forest Oha.
Unlike the
lowland, the plateau on the northern fringes of Esan had the forest savannah
country. This part is made up sandy topsoil that could be easily cleared,
cultivated, and relatively weed free. The topsoil is also mixed with laterite
and various clays that have already been discuss. These provided early incentives
for the settlement of Esan people.
Source:
Department of History. Edo State University Ekpoma, Nigeria.
